約翰演講稿(8篇)

第1篇 美國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)卿約翰·克里在東西方中心關(guān)于美國(guó)亞太政策英語(yǔ)演講稿

mr. morrison: well, thank you. aloha. i want to welcome everyone. and for our onlineaudience, and also for the secretary, i’d like to describe who is here in our audience. we havethe mayor of honolulu, mayor caldwell. we have our senator, mazie hirono. we have ourformer governor, george ariyoshi, and our other former governor, john waihee. we have manymembers of the business and intellectual and public affairs community here in honolulu. wehave members of the diplomatic corps. we have members of our men and women in uniform.we have the members of the board of governors of the east-west center. we have the staff ofthe east-west center. we have friends of the east-west center. and most importantly, we havefuture leaders of the asia pacific region. and i was just telling the secretary, i think yesterdaywe welcomed 130 new participants from the united states and 40 other countries. they’re hereon a unique program to prepare them for being future regional and global leaders.

now, how do you introduce a man who is so well-known for his own leadership and --

secretary kerry: first thing, you can just tell everybody to sit down.

mr. morrison: oh. (laughter.) please sit down, yes. (laughter.) thank you, mr. secretary.anyway, as you know, he has served in war and peace. he was a senator for 28 years; 59million americans voted for him for president, including 54 percent of the voters of hawaii. (laughter and applause.) but as a former senate staff person, i thought the way to reallycheck him out was to see how his confirmation hearing went. now, the issues werecontroversial but the nominee was not controversial, and what his former colleagues saidabout him, republicans and democrats, i think give the essence of the man: e_tremely wellprepared, born in a foreign service family, served all 28 years on the senate foreign relationscommittee, four years as the chairman of that committee. he knows the languages – severalforeign languages, countries, leaders, and issues. he is a man of incredible moral andintellectual integrity. he brings conviction and compassion to his job and great energy. hehas been, i think, on his seventh trip to asia, coming back and so we want to welcome him backto the united states. we want to welcome him to our most asia pacific state, and we want towelcome him to the east-west center, an institution that’s building community with thisvast region which is so systemically important to the future of the united states.

mr. secretary of state. (applause.)

secretary kerry: thank you. well, good afternoon, everybody. aloha. it’s wonderful to behere in hawaii, and man, i can’t tell you how i wish i was as rela_ed as some of you in yourbeautiful shirts. (laughter.) here i am in my – whatever you call it – uniform. uniform, somewould say. but it is such a pleasure to be here. mr. mayor, it’s great to be here with you. andmazie, thank you. it’s wonderful to see you, senator. i’m very happy to see you. thanks forbeing here. and governors, thank you for being here very much.

ladies and gentlemen, distinguished guests all, it’s a great, great pleasure for me to be ableto be here. and president morrison, thank you very much for that generous introduction. iappreciate it very much.

charles was way ahead of the curve, folks, in seeing the trend towards regionalism in the asiapacific in the early 1990s. and he was calling for community-building within east asia wellbefore it became a standard topic of discussion on the think tank circuit. so clearly, and toeveryone’s benefit, he’s had an ability to focus on the long game. and that is a talent that heactually shares with one of the founding fathers of this institution, a former colleague,beloved to all of you, who became a great friend to me, and that’s senator dan inouye. duringmy sort of latter years, i actually moved up to about seventh in seniority or something in theunited states senate, and had i not been appointed to this job, with all of the retirements thatare taking place, i don’t know, i might have been third or fourth or something, which is kind ofintimidating. but as a result of that, i got to sit beside the great dan inouye for four or fiveyears in the senate. our desks were beside each other, and we became very good friends. hewas one of the early supporters of mine when i decided to run for president in ’04, ’03. butmost importantly, dan inouye, as all of you know, was a patriot above all who commandedremarkable respect and affection of all of his colleagues. and hawaii was so wise to keep himin office for so many years.

having just visited yesterday guadalcanal, having stood up on what was called bloody ridge,edson’s ridge, and walked into one of the still remaining bunkers that marines were dug in onagainst 3,000-plus japanese who kept coming at them wave after wave in the evening, it’s – itwas a remarkable sense of the battle that turned the war. and no place knows the meaning ofall of that better than here in hawaii.

yesterday commemorated really one of the great battles of the second world war, and so itgave me a chance to reflect with special pride and with humility about dan’s service to ourcountry. he was a hero in the war, against difficult circumstances which we all understand toowell. but he became the first japanese american to serve in the house of representatives andthe united states senate, against all the odds of what was still a prevailing sense in ourcountry of misunderstanding between people. and he just never let that get in the way. heshared a very personal commitment to strengthening ties between the united states and theasia pacific. and that’s why he championed the east-west center for decades, and i want you toknow that president obama and i strongly support your mission of bringing people together tothink creatively about the future of our role in the region and how we overcome the kinds ofinherent, visceral differences that sometimes are allowed to get in the way of relationships, andfrankly, in the way of common sense.

we remember too well in america that slavery was written into our constitution long before itwas written out of it. and we all know the struggle that it took – e_cuse me – to write it out. soas we look at the world today – complicated, difficult, tumultuous, volatile – for so many ofus who have spent decades working on issues central to the asia pacific, there’s actuallysomething particularly e_citing about this moment. it’s almost e_hilarating when you look atasia’s transformation. and like dan inouye, i have had the privilege, as many of you havehere i can see, you’ve lived a lot of that transformation firsthand.

a number of my – (coughing) – e_cuse me, it’s the virtue of many hours in an airplane. anumber of my ancestors from boston and from massachusetts were merchants whose shipsdropped anchor in hong kong as they plied the lonely trade routes to china. my grandfather,actually, was born in shanghai and was a businessman who had a partnership with a chinesebusinessman. so in our family and in massachusetts, we’ve had a long sense of the possibilitiesand of this relationship. today, east asia is one of the largest, fastest growing, most dynamicregions in the entire world. and when the trans-pacific partnership negotiations are complete,about 40 percent of global gdp will be linked by a high-standard trade agreement, a tradeagreement that creates a race to the top, not a race to the bottom, where people understandthe rules of engagement and there’s accountability and transparency, and business andcapital know e_actly what the rules of the road will be so they’re attracted to invest each in eachother’s countries.

after college, i had the privilege of serving in the united states navy. and i went throughpearl harbor. i had a remarkable several days here as a young officer on a frigate before weset sail to cross the pacific. and i drove all over the island everywhere, in places i probablywasn’t supposed to. but i loved it and then spent a second tour in the rivers of vietnam. andback then, the word vietnam – just saying vietnam – carried with it an ominous meaning. itmeant war. it meant huge dissent in america, families torn apart. but today, vietnam, whenyou say it, has a whole different meaning to most people. it’s now a dynamic country filledwith economic opportunity. it’s a market for our businesses and our investors. it’s a classroomfor our children. it has one of the largest fulbright programs in the world. and it’s a partner intackling regional economic and security challenges.

such e_traordinary transformations have actually become almost the norm in this region. i’llnever forget, 15 years ago, i visited in then burma – no confusion with myanmar but nowpeople choose what they want to call it. but i visited with daw aung sung sui kyi in the veryhome in which she was imprisoned for nearly two decades. and this week, i had the privilegeof again going back to the very same house – it hadn’t changed, looked the same. she, by theway, 20 years later looks the same. and she is now free to speak her mind as a member ofparliament.

it’s remarkable. it doesn’t mean all the president are solved. but these transformations arejust some of what makes asia the most e_citing and promising places on the planet.

i am returning, as president morrison has said, from actually my si_th trip to the asia pacific in18 months as secretary of state. and later today, i’ll be meeting with our outstandingcommander of united states forces in the pacific to review a range of america’s formidablemilitary presence issues. i have we know that america’s security and prosperity are closely and increasingly linked to the asiapacific. and that’s why president obama began what is known as the rebalance to asia in 2022.that’s why he’s asked me to redouble my own efforts in the region over the ne_t two and halfyears. and that’s why i want to talk to you today about four specific opportunities: creatingsustainable economic growth, powering a clean energy revolution, promoting regionalcooperation, and empowering people.

now, these important opportunities can and should be realized through a rules-based regionalorder, a stable regional order on common rules and norms of behavior that are reinforced byinstitutions. and that’s what holds the greatest potential for all of us for making progress. wesupport this approach, frankly, because it encourages cooperative behavior. it fostersregional integration. it ensures that all countries, big and small – and the small part is reallyimportant – that they have a say in how we work together on shared challenges. i want you toknow that the united states is deeply committed to realizing this vision. president obama ise_cited about it. he wants us all to be committed to fostering it and also to understanding whywe’re doing it. and frankly, it is this vision that is the underlying reason that so manycountries in asia choose to work with the united states.

you hear some people today talking about the united states retrenching or disengaging.nothing could be further from the truth. i think we’re more engaged and more active in morecountries and more parts of the world than any time in american history. and i can tell you thatbecause just driving over here i was on the phone to people in the middle east, talking about aceasefire which is now going to be in place in the ne_t days; talking about the road ahead. justcame back from afghanistan, where we’re working on the transition to the people ofafghanistan, to their future. we’re engaged with iran, working on the nuclear program; withthe dprk, with china, and sudan, and central africa. we just had 50-plus african leaders towashington to talk about the future of american engagement there. we are deeply engagedin a very, very comple_ world.

but this speech and this moment here at the university and at the center, and the trip that ijust made to asia, are meant to underscore that even as we focus on those crises that i’ve justlisted and on conflicts that dominate the headlines on a daily basis and demand our leadership– even as we do that, we will never forget the long-term strategic imperatives for americaninterests. as secretary of state, my job isn’t just to respond to crises. it’s also about definingand seizing the long-term opportunities for the united states. and having just traveled toburma, australia, and the solomon islands, i can tell you that nowhere are those strategicopportunities clearer or more compelling than in the asia pacific.

that’s why we are currently negotiating a comprehensive and ambitious trans-pacificpartnership agreement that will create thousands of new jobs here in america as well as inother countries, and it will spur this race to the top, not to the bottom. it raises the standardsby which we do business. that’s why we’re elevating our engagement in multilateralinstitutions, from the asean regional forum to the east asia summit. and that’s why we arerevitalizing our security partnerships with our treaty allies: japan, australia, south korea, andthe philippines. and that’s why we are standing up for the human rights and the fundamentalfreedoms that people in asia cherish as much as any people in the world.

i have no illusions about the challenges, and nor does president obama. they are comple_ inthis 21st century, in many ways far more comple_ than the bipolar, east-west, soviet union-versus-west world – the cold war that many of us grew up in. this is far more complicated.it’s far more, in many ways, like 19th century and 18th century diplomacy, with statesasserting their interests in different ways and with more economic players in the planet thanwe had in the 20th century with power and with a sense of independence. but what i want toemphasize to you all today is there is a way forward. this is not so daunting that it’sindescribable as to what we can do.

so how do we make our shared vision a reality for the region and ensure that asia contributesto global peace and prosperity? first, we need to turn today’s economic nationalism andfragmentation into tomorrow’s sustainable growth. i say it all the time: foreign policy iseconomic policy, and economic policy is foreign policy. they are one and the same. there’s nodenying that particularly in asia pacific. asia pacific is an engine of global economic growth, butwe can’t take that growth for granted.

because what we face something that is really a common challenge. across the world, we haveseen a staggering growth in youth populations. at the africa summit it was just underscored tous there are 700 million people under the age of 30. we’ve seen staggering growth in theseyouth populations. and guess what. in the 21st century, in 2022 when everybody’s runningaround with a mobile device and everybody’s in touch with everybody every day all the time,all of these people are demanding an opportunity. they’re demanding dignity. andju_taposed to their hopes, a cadre of e_tremists, of resisters, of naysayers are waiting to seducemany of those young people into accepting a dead end. and let me tell you, when people don’thave a job, when they can’t get an education, when they can’t aspire to a better future forthemselves and for their families, when their voices are silenced by draconian laws or violenceand oppression, we have all witnessed the instability that follows.

now happily, many, if not most governments, in asia are working to present booming youthpopulations with an alternative, with a quality education, with skills for the modern world,with jobs that allow them to build a life and a confidence in their countries. that is part of thereason why the young people in asia are joining the ranks of the middle class, not the ranks ofviolent e_tremists. and the fact is that too many countries around the world are struggling toprovide those opportunities. there’s a lack of governance, and we ignore the importance of thiscollective challenge to address the question of failed and failing states in other parts of theworld.

in the 21st century, a nation’s interests and the well-being of its people are advanced not justby troops or diplomats, but they’re advanced by entrepreneurs, by chief e_ecutives ofcompanies, by the businesses that are good corporate citizens, by the workers that theyemploy, by the students that they train, and the shared prosperity that they create. that iswhy we are working with partners across the asia pacific to maintain and raise standards as wee_pand trade and investment by pursuing a comprehensive trans-pacific partnershipagreement.

now, the tpp represents really an e_citing new chapter in the long history of america’s mutuallybeneficial trade partnerships with the countries of the asia pacific. it is a state-of-the-art, 21stcentury trade agreement, and it is consistent not just with our shared economic interests, butalso with our shared values. it’s about generating growth for our economies and jobs for ourpeople by unleashing a wave of trade, investment, and entrepreneurship. it’s about standing upfor our workers, or protecting the environment, and promoting innovation. and it’s aboutreaching for high standards to guide the growth of this dynamic regional economy. and all ofthat is just plain good for businesses, it’s good for workers, it’s good for our economies. andthat’s why we must get this done.returned again and again to this region – i can’t tell you howmany times i went, mazie, as a senator to the region. and we are now – we take our enduringinterests there, obviously, very, very seriously.

now, every time i travel to asia, i have the privilege of meeting with young entrepreneurs andbusiness leaders. in fact, at the africa summit the other day we had this wonderful group ofyoung african leaders – all entrepreneurs, all these young kids in their 20s doinge_traordinary things. it’s call the young african leaders initiative, which president obamastarted.

in hanoi last december, i launched the governance for inclusive growth program to supportvietnam’s transition to a market-based economy. i’ve met with entrepreneurs in seoul andmanila to talk about how we can drive innovation. on saturday, i discussed with my aseancounterparts the framework for creating business opportunities and jobs that we calle_panded economic engagement, or e3. and just yesterday, i met with business leaders insydney, australia to e_plore ways to reduce the barriers to trade and investment.

to broaden the base of support for this strategy, we need to focus not only on rapid growth,but we also need to focus on sustainability. and that means making the best use of regionalinstitutions. president obama will join apec economic leaders in beijing this fall to focus onpromoting clean and renewable fuels and supporting small businesses and women’sparticipation in the economy and e_panding educational e_changes. and just a few days ago,i met with ministers from the lower mekong initiative countries to deepen our partnership andhelp them wrestle with the challenges of food and water and energy security on the mekongriver.

ultimately, the true measure of our success will not be just whether our economies continue togrow, but how they continue to grow. and that brings me to our second challenge: we need toturn today’s climate crisis into tomorrow’s clean energy revolution. now, all of this – all of usin this room understand climate change is not a crisis of the future. climate change is herenow. it’s happening, happening all over the world. it’s not a challenge that’s somehow remoteand that people can’t grab onto.

but here’s the key: it’s happening at a rate that should be alarming to all of us becauseeverything the scientists predicted – and i’ll tell you a little addendum. al gore – i had theprivilege of working with al gore and tim worth and a group of senators – jack heinz – backin the 1980s when we held the first hearing on climate change in 1988. that’s when jimhansen from nasa came forward and said it’s happening. it’s happening now in 1988. in 1992we had a forum down in brazil, rio, the earth summit. george herbert walker bushparticipated. we came up with a voluntary framework to deal with climate change, butvoluntary didn’t work. and for 20 years nothing much happened. then we went to kyoto. wewent to all these places to try to do something, and here we are in 2022 with a chance ne_tyear in 2022 to do it.

and what’s happening is the science is screaming at us. ask any kid in school. theyunderstand what a greenhouse is, how it works, why we call it the greenhouse effect. theyget it. and here’s what – if you accept the science, if you accept that the science is causingclimate to change, you have to heed what those same scientists are telling us about how youprevent the inevitable consequences and impacts. you can’t – that’s why president obamahas made climate change a top priority. he’s doing by e_ecutive authority what we’re notable to get the congress to do. and we’re working very hard to implement the climate actionplan and lead by e_ample. we’re doubling the fuel efficiency of cars and trucks on america’sroads. we’ve developed new standards that ensure that e_isting power plants are as clean aspossible and as efficient as possible. and we’re committed to reducing greenhouse gasesand emissions in the range of about 17 percent below 2022 levels by 2022.

so we’re heading in the right direction. but make no mistake about it: our response has tobe all hands on deck. by definition, rescuing the planet’s climate is a global challenge thatrequires a global solution. and nowhere is all of this more evident than in the asia pacific.and no two nations can have a greater impact or influence on this debate or this challengethan china and the united states.

during the strategic and economic dialogue last month, secretary of treasury jack lew and iwere in beijing for two days. and we and china together sent a clear message: the world’s twolargest greenhouse gas emitters, the united states and china, are committed to advancing alow-carbon economic growth pattern and significantly reduce our countries’ greenhouse gases.and we’re working together to launch demonstration projects on carbon capture, utilization,and storage. we’re adopting stronger fuel efficiency standards for heavy- and light-dutyvehicles. we’re advancing a new initiative on climate change and forests, because we knowthat the threat of deforestation and its implications of a changing climate are real and they’regrave and they’re growing. and i’ll just say to you this is not an issue on which you can be halfpregnant. no such issue. if you accept the science, you have to accept that you have to dothese things about it.

now, the united states and china have a special role to play in reducing emissions anddeveloping a clean energy future. but everybody – every nation – has a stake in getting itright. i just came from the solomon islands yesterday, a thousand islands, some of which couldbe wiped out if we don’t make the right choices. the pacific islands across the entire pacific arevulnerable to climate change. and just yesterday, i saw with my own eyes what sea level risewould do to parts of it: it would be devastating – entire habitats destroyed, entire populationsdisplaced from their homes, in some cases entire cultures wiped out. they just had flashflooding in guadalcanal – unprecedented amounts of rainfall. and that’s what’s happened withclimate change – unprecedented storms, unprecedented typhoons, unprecedentedhurricanes, unprecedented droughts, unprecedented fires, major damage, billions andbillions of dollars of damage being done that we’re paying for instead of investing those billionsof dollars in avoiding this in the first place.

that’s why we are deepening our partnerships with the pacific island nations and others to meetimmediate threats and long-term development challenges. and we’re working through usaidand other multilateral institutions to increase the resilience of communities. and we’reelevating our engagement through the pacific islands forum. and we’ve signed maritimeboundaries, new maritime boundaries with kiribati and the federated states of micronesia inorder to promote good governance of the pacific ocean and peaceful relations among islandnations. and we’re also working on a pacific pathway of marine protected areas that includespresident obama’s commitment to e_plore a protected area of more than a million squaremiles in size in the u.s. remote pacific.

we just held a conference on the oceans in washington the other day with nations all over theworld came to it – unbelievably productive. we produced $1.8 billion of commitments to helpwith fisheries enforcement, anti-pollution, dealing with acidification, and to protect theseareas as marine sanctuaries.

the good news is in the end – and this really – it really is good news. sometimes you have anissue – mr. mayor, i know you know this. governors, you know this. you’re looking at an issueand, man, you scratch your head and you’re not quite sure what the solution is, right? andyou work through it. well, the good news is the biggest challenge of all that we face right now,which is climate change in terms of international global effect, is an opportunity. it’s actuallyan e_traordinary opportunity because it’s not a problem without a solution. the solutionto climate change is simple. it’s called energy policy. energy policy. make the right choicesabout how you produce your energy – without emissions, without coal-fired power plants thatdon’t have carbon capture and storage or aren’t burning clean – then you can begin toproduce clean energy.

and the new energy market that we’re looking at is the biggest market the world has ever seen.think about that for a moment. the wealth that was generated in the 1990s – i don’t know ifyou know this, but most people think that america got the richest during the 1920s when youhad the so-called, even in the late 1800s, robber baron years, and then you had the greatnames of wealth – carnegie, mellon, frick, rockefeller, and so forth. and no income ta_ – wow,gonna make a lot of money.

guess what. america made more wealth and more money for more people in the 1990s than atany other time in our history. and what it came from, the wealth that was generated then, wasthe high-tech computer revolution of the 1990s, and guess what. it came from a $1 trillionmarket with 1 billion users, 1 for 1. the energy market that we’re looking at in the world todayis si_ times bigger, by far more important. it’s a $6 trillion market today with 4 to 5 billionusers today, and it will go up to 7 to 9 billion users in the ne_t 30 years. the fastest segmentby far of growth in that market is clean energy.

we need to build a grid in america. we need to – we could use solar thermal to produce heatin massachusetts, in minnesota, take wind power from our states, sell it somewhere else. wecan’t even do that because we don’t have that grid in place.

so i want to emphasize to all of you: we’re not going to find a sustainable energy mi_ in the19th century or 20th century solutions. those are the problems. we need a formula for 21stcentury that will sustainably power us into the 22nd century. and i believe that, workingtogether, the united states and countries across the asia pacific can make this leap. that’s ane_citing opportunity and that’s what we’re working on with china today.

the bottom line is we don’t have time to waste. if we’re going to power a clean energyrevolution, we have to work together to dampen security competition and rivalry in theasia pacific and focus on these other constructive efforts. and so our third challenge is clear:we need to turn maritime conflicts into regional cooperation.

all of us in this room understand that these disputes in the south china sea and elsewhere,they’re really about more than claims to islands and reefs and rocks and the economic intereststhat flow from them. they’re about whether might makes right or whether global rules andnorms and rule of law and international law will prevail. i want to be absolutely clear: theunited states of america takes no position on questions of sovereignty in the south and eastchina sea, but we do care about how those questions are resolved. we care about behavior. wefirmly oppose the use of intimidation and coercion or force to assert a territorial claim byanyone in the region. and we firmly oppose any suggestion that freedom of navigation andoverflight and other lawful uses of the sea and airspace are privileges granted by a big state toa small one. all claimants must work together to solve the claims through peaceful means, bigor small. and these principles bind all nations equally, and all nations have a responsibility touphold them.

now, i just participated in the asean regional forum, and we were encouraged there to – weencouraged the claimants there to defuse these tensions and to create the political space forresolution. we urged the claimants to voluntarily freeze steps that threatened to escalatethe disputes and to cause instability. and frankly, i think that’s common sense and i suspectyou share that. i’m pleased to say that asean agreed that the time has come to seekconsensus on what some of those actions to be avoided might be, based on the commitmentsthat they’ve already made in the 2022 declaration on conduct.

now, we cannot impose solutions on the claimants in the region, and we’re not seeking to dothat. but the recent settlement between indonesia and the philippines is an e_ample of howthese disputes could be resolved through good-faith negotiations. japan and taiwan, likewise,showed last year that it’s possible to promote regional stability despite conflicting claims. andwe support the philippines’ taking steps to resolve its maritime dispute with china peacefully,including through the right to pursue arbitration under the un convention on the law of thesea. and while we already live by its principles, the united states needs to finish the job andpass that treaty once and for all.

now, one thing that i know will contribute to maintaining regional peace and stability is aconstructive relationship between the united states and china. president obama has made itclear that the united states welcomes the rise of a peaceful, prosperous, and stable china –one that plays a responsible role in asia and the world and supports rules and norms oneconomic and security issues. the president has been clear, as have i, that we are committedto avoiding the trap of strategic rivalry and intent on forging a relationship in which we canbroaden our cooperation on common interests and constructively manage our differences anddisagreements.

but make no mistake: this constructive relationship, this “new model” relationship of greatpowers, is not going to happen simply by talking about it. it’s not going to happen byengaging in a slogan or pursuing a sphere of influence. it will be defined by more and bettercooperation on shared challenges. and it will be defined by a mutual embrace of the rules,the norms, and institutions that have served both of our nations and the region so well. i amvery pleased that china and the united states are cooperating effectively on the iran nucleartalks and we’ve increased our dialogue on the dprk. we’re also cooperating significantly onclimate change possibilities, counter-piracy operations, and south sudan.

so we are busy trying to define a great power relationship by the places where we can findmutual agreement and cooperation. we’ve seen the benefits of partnerships based oncommon values and common approaches to regional and global security. secretary of defensechuck hagel and i met with our australian counterparts in sydney earlier this week and wereviewed the u.s.-australian alliance from all sides. and though we live in very differenthemispheres, obviously, and at opposite ends of the globe, the united states and australia aretoday as close as nations can get. our time-honored alliance has helped both of our countries toachieve important goals: standing with the people of ukraine, supporting long-term progress inafghanistan, promoting shared prosperity in the asia pacific, and collaborating on the unitednations security council. and we also agreed to e_pand our trilateral cooperation with japan,and that will allow us to further modernize the u.s.-japan alliance as we address a broaderarray of security challenges. similarly, with our ally south korea, our partnership on agrowing range of regional and global challenges has brought much greater security to asiaand beyond.

history shows us that countries whose policies respect and reflect universal human rights andfundamental freedoms are likely to be peaceful and prosperous, far more effective attapping the talents of their people, and far better partners in the long term.

that is why our fourth and final challenge is so important: we need to turn human rightsproblems into opportunities for human empowerment. across the region, there are bright spots.but we also see backsliding, such as the setback to democracy in thailand.

we all know that some countries in the region hold different views on democratic governanceand the protection of human rights. but though we may sometimes disagree on these issueswith the governments, i don’t think we have any fundamental disagreement with theirpeople.

given a choice, i don’t think too many young people in china would choose to have less accessto uncensored information, rather than more. i don’t think too many people in vietnam wouldsay: “i’d rather not be allowed to organize and speak out for better working conditions or ahealthy environment.” and i can’t imagine that anyone in asia would watch more than a 130million people go to the polls in indonesia to choose a president after a healthy, vigorous, andpeaceful debate and then say: “i don’t want that right for myself.” i also think most peoplewould agree that freedom of speech and the press is essential to checking corruption, and itis essential that rule of law is needed to protect innovation and to enable businesses tothrive. that’s why support for these values is both universal and pragmatic.

i visited indonesia in february, and i saw the promise of a democratic future. the world’sthird largest democracy sets a terrific e_ample for the world. and the united states is deeplycommitted to our comprehensive partnership. indonesia is not just an e_pression of differentcultures and languages and faiths. by deepening its democracy, and preserving its traditionsof tolerance, it can be a model for how asian values and democratic principles inform andstrengthen one another.

in thailand, a close friend and ally, we’re very disturbed by the setback to democracy andwe hope it is a temporary bump in the road. we call on the thai authorities to lift restrictionson political activity and speech, to return – to restore civilian rule, and return quickly todemocracy through free and fair elections.

in burma last week, i saw firsthand the initial progress the people and the government havemade. and i’m proud of the role – and you should be too – that the united states has playedfor a quarter of a century in encouraging that progress.

but burma still has a long way to go, and those leading its democratic transformation areonly now addressing the deepest challenges: defining a new role for the military; reformingthe constitution and supporting free and fair elections; ending a decades-long civil war; andguaranteeing in law the human rights that burma’s people have been promised in name. all ofthis while trying to attract more investment, combating corruption, protecting the country’sforests and other resources. these are the great tests of burma’s transition. and we intend totry to help, but in the end the leadership will have to make the critical choices.

the united states is going to do everything we can to help the reformers in burma, especiallyby supporting nationwide elections ne_t year. and we will keep urging the government – as idid last week – to take steps to ease the humanitarian crisis in rakhine state, and push backagainst hate speech and religious violence, implement constitutional reform, and protectfreedom of assembly and e_pression. the government owes it to the people of those – of thatmovement to do those things.

and so, my friends, in the great tradition of our country, we will continue to promote humanrights and democracy in asia, without arrogance but also without apology.

elsewhere in asia, north korea’s proliferation activities pose a very serious threat to the unitedstates, the region, and the world. and we are taking steps to deter and defend against northkorea’s pursuit of a nuclear-armed ballistic missile capability. but make no mistake: we arealso speaking out about the horrific human rights situation. we strongly supported thee_traordinary united nations investigation this year that revealed the utter, grotesquecruelty of north korea’s system of labor camps and e_ecutions. such deprivation of humandignity just has no place in the 21st century. north korea’s gulags should be shut down – nottomorrow, not ne_t week, but now. and we will continue to speak out on this topic.

so you’ve heard me for longer than you might have wanted to – (laughter) – describing apretty ambitious agenda. and you’re right; it’s a big deal. we are super engaged. we areambitious for this process: completing the tpp negotiations, creating sustainable growth,powering a clean energy revolution, managing regional rivalries by promoting cooperation,and empowering people from all walks of life – that’s how we’re going to realize the promise ofthe asia pacific. and this is a region whose countries can and should come together, becausethere is much more that unites us than divides us. this is a region that can and should meetdanger and difficulty with courage and collaboration. and we are determined to deliver onthe strategic and historic opportunities that we can create together.

that’s why, together with our asian partners, we’re developing modern rules for a changingworld – rules that help economies grow strong and fair and just, with protections for theenvironment, safeguards for the people who have both too often been left behind.

that’s why we’re building a region where asia’s major cities are no longer clouded with smogand smoke, and where people can depend on safe food and water, and clean oceans, clean air,and shared resources from its rivers and its oceans, and with a sense of responsibility onegeneration passes on to the ne_t to preserve all of that for the future.

that’s why we’re building a region where countries peacefully resolve their differences overislands, reefs, rocks by finding the common ground on the basis of international law.

and that’s why we’re building a region that protects the universal human rights andfundamental freedoms that make all nations stronger.

there is still a long road ahead. but nothing gives me more hope in the ne_t miles of thejourney than the courage of those who have reached a different and more hopeful kind offuture. and that is the story that i want to leave you with today.

when i became a senator, getting increasingly more and more involved in the region as ayoung member of the committee and then later as chairman of the subcommittee on asian andpacific affairs, the first trip i took in 1986 was to the philippines. strongman ferdinand marcoshad called a sham “snap” election to fake everybody to prove how in charge he was, topreserve his grasp on power. president reagan asked senator richard lugar and me to be partof a delegation to observe those elections.

and i will never forget arriving in manila and seeing this unbelievable flood of people in thestreets all decked out in their canary yellow shirts and banners of pro-democracy protest.some of us knew at that time there were allegations of fraud. i was sent down initially tomindanao to observe the morning votes and then came back to manila, and was sitting in thehotel there when a woman came up to me crying and said, “senator, you must come with me tothe cathedral. there are women there who fear for their lives.”

and i left my dinner and i ran down to the cathedral. i came in to the sacristi of thecathedral and talked with these 13 women who were crying and huddled together, intimidatedfor their lives. and i listened to their story about how they were counting the raw tally of thevotes that was coming in from all across the nation, but the raw tally of votes they werecounting was not showing up on the computer tote board recording the votes. they blew thewhistle on a dictator. we held an international press conference right there in the cathedralright in front of the alter, and they spoke out, and that was the signal to marcos it was over.their courage and the courage of the filipino people lit a spark that traveled throughout theworld, inspiring not just a freshman senator from massachusetts, but popular movementsfrom eastern europe to burma.

now, i think about that moment even today, about the power of people to make their voicesfelt. i think about how cory aquino rose to the presidency atop a wave of people power whenfew believed that she could. i think about how her husband fought for democracy, even at thecost of his own life. and i think about how, decades later, their son would rise to the presidencyin democratic elections. in his inaugural address, president benigno aquino said: “myparents sought nothing less, died for nothing less, than democracy and peace. i am blessed bythis legacy. i shall carry the torch forward.”

my friends, today we must all summon up some of that courage, we must all carry that torchforward. the cause of democracy and peace, and the prosperity that they bring, can bringour legacy in the asian pacific, it can define it. our commitment to that future, believe me itis strong. our principles are just. and we are in this for the long haul – clear-eyed about thechallenges ahead.

thank you. (applause.)

第2篇 諾貝爾生理學(xué)獎(jiǎng)得主約翰·奧基夫在頒獎(jiǎng)晚宴上英語(yǔ)演講稿

your majesties,your royal highnesses,your e_cellencies,ladies and gentlemen

on behalf of my colleagues may-britt and edvard moser, and myself, i would like to e_press ourgratitude to the nobel foundation for hosting this magnificent banquet. i would also like toe_press our gratitude to the nobel committee and assembly for deeming our research worthyof this distinguished accolade. i think it’s fair to say that the nobel prize is the highest honorany scientist or artist can achieve. we are pleased and delighted.

we see the awards as a recognition not only of ourselves and our accomplishments but also ofour collaborators in the study of the spatial functions of the hippocampus, and our colleagues inthe wider field of cognitive and behavioural neuroscience. cognitive neuroscience is entering ane_citing era in which new technologies and ideas are making it possible to study the neuralbasis of cognition, perception, memory and emotion at the level of networks of interactingneurons, the level at which we believe many of the important operations of the brain take place.we know a considerable amount about how individual neurons work and how two cells cancommunicate with each other but the way in which entire networks of hundreds andthousands of neurons cooperate, interact with each other, and are orchestrated to create ourideas and concepts is an undere_plored area of neuroscience. it is probably at this level thatnetwork failure occurs and leads to some of our most disturbing and intractable diseases ofthe mind and brain.

this new area of neuroscience has been made possible by the development of new optical,computer-based electronic, and molecular biological tools which will allow us tomonitor theactivity of many thousands of cells simultaneously and to manipulate their activity. we willmove from looking at correlations between brain activity and behaviour to studying how thebrain causes mental states and behaviour. it is fitting therefore that our fellow laureates thisyear in physics and chemistry are world’s leaders in providing us with some of these tools. weare eager to begin to use some of the laser-based optical techniques being developed by ourchemistry co- laureates.

we are also pleased to be receiving the prize with laureates from so many different countries.science is the quintessential international endeavour and the sterling reputation of the nobelawards is partly due to the widely-perceived lack of national and other biases in the selection ofthe laureates. we believe that the future great contributions to our understanding of thebiological and physical world can come from citizens of any country in any part of the world. it isto the credit of the nobel committees that they have steadfastly endeavoured to follow alfrednobel’s wishes that the prizes recognise contributions to the welfare of humanity regardless ofcountry of origin, gender, race or religious affiliation.

i want to end by recognising and thanking our many collaborators and colleagues toonumerous to mention in this short speech, our universities, ucl and ntnu, and our generousfunders.

thank you for your attention. tack.

第3篇 倫敦市長(zhǎng)鮑里斯·約翰遜在2022英國(guó)保守黨年會(huì)英語(yǔ)演講稿

good morning everyone. good god …good morning everybody, thank you very much.please, please take your seats,we’ve got a lot to get through. good morning everybody inmanchester, it’s agreat joy to be back here. not so long ago my friends i…we welcome all sortsofwonderful luminaries to city hall but not so long ago i welcomed the formerfrench primeminister, monsieur alain juppe to my office in city hall and hecruised in with his sizeableretinue of very distinguished fellows with theirlegion d’honneur floret and all the rest of it andwe shook hands and had atête a tête and he told me that he was now the mayor of bordeau_. ithink hemay have been mayor of bordeau_ when he was prime minister, it’s the kind ofthingthey do in france – a very good idea in my view. joke, joke, joke! andwhat he said … joke! hesaid that he had the honour of representing, he had239,517 people in bordeau_ and thereforehe had the honour of representing the9th biggest city in france. i got the ball back very firmlyover the net,folks, because i said there were 250,000 french men and women in londonandtherefore i was the mayor of the 6th biggest french city on earth.

i can’t remember e_actly what hesaid then, i think he said something like ‘tiens!’ or ‘bienje jamais’ orsomething, but it is one of the joys of this job that i am the mayor of aprettysizeable french city, a pretty sizeable russian city, a pretty bigaustralian city, an italian city, achinese city – i could go on. that is agreat thing about london, it’s a good thing for ourcountry because thatforeign money brings jobs and it fills our restaurants and it puts bums ontheseats of our theatres, helps finance our universities very considerably and itenables londondevelopers, some of whom i see in this great audience, to embarkon project that otherwisewould be stalled. am i right? yes. and it brings abuzz of e_citement to the city which also ofcourse attracts investors and yet wehave to recognise that the sheer global charisma oflondon is putting pressureon londoners, with average house prices in our city now si_ timesaverageearnings and for the bottom 25% of earners, the house prices in the bottomquarter arenine times their earnings.

the pressure is really growingand it is intensifying thanks to an entirely home grownphenomenon to which ialluded at the end of the olympic and paralympic games which tookplace lastyear because you may dimly remember that i prophesied that the athletes thatteamgp and paralympics gb had so moved the people of this country to suchparo_ysms ofe_citement, i think i said, on the sofas of britain that they hadnot only inspired a generationbut probably helped to create one as well and likeall my predictions and promises as your mayoror as the mayor of many of youhere, i have delivered mes amis, in that gla economics now saythat live birthsin london this year will be 136,942 which is more than in any year since1966when england won the world cup – and the prime minister was born i think.

i look around this audience –that means the population is growing very fast and it is goingto hit ninemillion by 2022, possibly ten million by 2031 and i notice when i point thisout topeople that they start to look a bit worn. they’re the older generationand think, all these otherpeople’s children, what jobs are they going to do,where are they going to live and will they bestepping on my toes on the tube?i want to reassure you first of all that london has been herebefore, we hadnine million in 1911, i think we had nine million in 1939 and the second thing–for once i actually brought it with me thank goodness – the second thing isthat we have a plan.here it is, the 2022 vision, and it will ensure that wecreate a city in which no child is left behindor shut out and everybody has achance to make of their lives what they can.

step number one – and i seriouslycommend this document, it is entirely free on the glawebsite, written entirelyby me as well – step number one is to build more homes as i say. can ijust askthis audience, how many of you today here in manchester are lucky enough to beowneroccupiers? can i ask for a show of hands, is anybody here an owneroccupier? look, here we go.who is an owner occupier? there is no disgrace inthat, we believe in the property owningdemocracy and all that kind of thingbut we have to face the reality that for many, manymillions of people, foryoung people in london, for many members of our families, it is nowabsolutelyimpossible to get anywhere near to affording a home and that’s why it isabsolutelyvital that we get on with our programmes of accelerating housebuilding. we have done about55,000 – rick, how many have we done so far? 55,000so far, give or take it will be around100,000 over two terms.

we’ve put £3.6 billion of publicland to the use of so many of the good developers i seearound here, since maylast year when i was elected by the way, but we need to do more and weneed toaccelerate our programme of house building dramatically and i think that it istime thatwe considered allowing companies to make ta_-free loans to theiremployees to help them withthe cost of their rent deposit – how about that?brainy policy, no, put in for the budgetconsiderations. can i also ask myfriend the chancellor to look at the baleful effects of stampduty in londonand possibly elsewhere, which is called stamp duty for a reason becauseit’sstamping on the fingers of those who are trying to climb the property ladder.look backover the last century, when did conservatives, when did we win hugemajorities, when did wecarry the country overwhelmingly? it was in the 30s andthe 50s when we got behind hugeprogrammes of house building to give people inthis country the homes they deserve.

to make those homes possible ofcourse you have got to get on with putting in thetransport links, as i nevertire of telling you and we’ve not only cut delays by 40%, comrades,in londonsince i was elected, we have e_panded the capacity of the jubilee line by 25%,thevictoria line is now running at incredible 34 trains an hour – how many isthat per minute? it’smore than one ever two, that’s fantastic, more than oneevery two minutes. there’s no flies onthese guys! we’ve put air conditioningon a huge chunk of the network and we are going onapace and thanks to davidand to george and the wisdom of the conservative government, weare now ableto, we are now proceeding full bore with the biggest engineering project ineurope,a scheme that five years ago was just a line on a map that thecoalition was under pressure todrop when they came in and it is now a giganticsubterranean huge, huge caverns, concretecaverns being hewn out of the londonwhatever it is, clay or something. i should know that. aswe speak, as wespeak, beneath the streets of london are si_ colossal boring machinescalledada and phyllis and mary and elizabeth and victoria i think, i have got theirnames wrong,i can’t remember their names but they all have female names forsome reason and phyllis andada are coming in from the west and mary andelizabeth are going from the east, from thelimmo peninsula and they arechomping remorselessly through the london clay and they aregoing to meet somewherearound whitechapel for this ginormous convocation of worms – i don’tknow whatthey’ll do but it will absolutely terrific because the rail capacity of londonwill beincreased by 10% and we will have done cross rail, i confidentlypredict, as we did theolympics, on time and on budget. a fantastic e_ample ofwhat this country can do and acalling card that british business is now usingaround the world.

in my view and in the view ofthose who are now working on cross rail, what we should do isuse those worldclass skills that we’ve been accumulating in london, to get going beforewedisband them on the ne_t set of projects. i mean obviously cross rail 2, highspeed rail, newpower stations, solutions to our aviation capacity problem, sothat we have a logicalsequential infrastructure plan for our country and don’tdo what previous governments havedone and that is waste billions by stoppingand starting. i think we can do it, i am absolutelyconfident that we can doit. we can put in the homes, we can put in the transport links butthe questionthat we’ve got to ask ourselves, and this is where this speech gets tricky,thequestion we’ve got to ask ourselves is are young londoners always able andwilling to take upthe opportunities of the opportunity city that we’re tryingto create?

now, dave, i’ve made it a rule atthese conferences never to disagree with jamie oliverbecause the last time idid so i was put in a pen and pelted with pork pies by the media but theotherday he said something that made me gulp because he was complaining about theworkethic of young people these days, a bit like a daily telegraph editorial.he didn’t pull hispunches – and this is what he said, not me, so don’t throwthings at me – ‘it’s the british kidsparticularly, he said, i have never seenanything so wet behind the ears. i have mummy’sringing up for 23 year oldssaying my son is too tired for a 48 hour week, are you having alaugh?’ thecelebrity chef told good housekeeping. and he went on, i’m probably gettingmyselfin trouble even by quoting this but never mind, he went on: ‘i think oureuropean migrantfriends are much stronger, much tougher. if we didn’t haveany, all of our restaurants wouldclose tomorrow. there wouldn’t be any britsto replace them.’

now i can see looks of apoplectic… well, no i can’t really. where’s the apople_y? i can seelooks of sadacknowledgement, that’s what i can see, isn’t that right? i can see avaguedepressed look of recognition and i know and you know that there are millionsof britishkids and dynamic, young people who are as dynamic and go-getting andas motivated as anypotential millionaire, whatever he’s called, masterchef, ofcourse there are. but my question toyou is, what if jamie has a point? what ifhe has half a point or even a quarter of a point? doyou think he does? half apoint, quarter of a point? he’s on to something. he may have phrasedit in aprovocative way but he was saying something that i think resonates, right?okay, i’mgetting through this with difficulty.

if he has a point then we need tothink about what are the possible origins for thatdifference in motivationthat he claims to detect and we need to think about what we politiciansaredoing about it, don’t we? if it’s to do with welfare as some people claim itis, don’t we neediain duncan smith to get on with reforming that system andmaking sure you are always betteroff in work than out of it? and if it’s to dowith education, as some people claim it is, then don’twe need michael gove to geton with his heroic work to restoring rigor and realism to theclassroom andgetting away from the old ‘all must have prizes’ approach where all pupilsmustbe above average in maths – pay attention at the back there! – which is notpossible. if, asi’m sure we all think and as i certainly think, the problem isalso to do with the confidence andself-esteem of so many of these young peoplewithout which ambition is impossible, thenisn’t it our job as politicians todo everything we can to give them boundaries and solidity totheir lives?

that’s why i have spent a lot ofmy time as mayor on projects like the mayor’s fund forlondon and team londonand encouraging volunteers to read to kids across our city andmentoringprogrammes which we are e_panding and the support of the uniformed groups,thescouts, the guides, all those kinds of fantastic organisations, bringingsporting facilities toschools that don’t have any, mobile pools we’ve beensending around london, beautiful glorifiedsheep dips we send round, they loveit. they work brilliantly well and we’re helping to gettalented youngmusicians to cross that barrier that they confront when they reach the ageofeleven and have to go through into secondary school and so many of them give uptheirinstruments and it’s a real, real tragedy and we are setting up funds tohelp with creation ofe_cellence in our schools and to improve standards allround, to support the work that michaelgove is doing.

it’s when i look at the hugerange of projects that we’re engaged in now at city halltogether withhundreds, if not thousands of other projects, many of which are supportedbypeople in this room, i do think we are making a difference to the lives ofthose young peopleand we have got loads of them into apprenticeships, about118,000 over the last couple of years,we’re going to get on to 250,000 by 2022and thanks to the police, thanks very largely to theirwork, we are seeingsignificant falls in crime as jane was just saying. we have been big fallsinyouth violence and in the victims of knife crime which was such a plague, andcontinues to bea plague, on our streets. it makes my blood boil to read acasual quote from some labourfrontbench politician, it may even have been theshadow home secretary, comparing londonto rio di janeiro because we’ve notonly halved youth murders in the last five years, we’ve gotthe london murderrate down to levels not seen since the 1960s. you are not only 20 timesmorelikely to be murdered in rio as you are in london, four times more likely to bemurdered innew york, you are twice as likely to be murdered in brussels –sleepy old brussels – as you are inlondon. presumably with lobster picks.

london is in fact now the safestglobal city in the world and it is not just those crimes suchas murder andyouth violence that we are significantly reducing, it is all sorts of crime aswell.we’ve got fare evasion, fare evasion down on the buses to an all-time lowof 1.1%, whatever1.1% means, mainly thanks to getting rid of the bendy buses.that i think is the way forward.you’ve got to tackle that comple_ of problems,crime well frozen, educationalunderachievement and you’ve got to make surethat kids growing up in london are able to takeopportunity that our cityoffers and at the same time we must make sure they don’t dismisssome jobs asquote/unquote ‘menial’, which is a word i sometimes hear, and that theyseethem, those jobs that london creates in such abundance, in the same way thatjamieoliver’s east europeans see those jobs, as stepping stones, as abeginning to a life in work thatcan take them anywhere.

now i’m conscious today that i amspeaking very frankly about this issue, i have probablygot myself as usualinto trouble, that’s my job, because i think there is a vast and latentgeniusin these young people and if we could harness their talents more effectivelythen theywould not only have fulfilling lives but we could drive even fasterthe great flywheel of thelondon economy that is now the most diverse in europeand we not only lead the world as thefinancial centre, artistic centre,cultural centre, we now have, we now have the biggest te_tsector anywhere ineurope, we have a growing ned city of academic health scienceinstitutionsalong the euston road and in ten years, in the ne_t ten years it is forecastthatlondon’s media industry will produce more film and tv content than eithernew york or losangeles. i can scarcely believe that but that’s what i amassured. that is an e_traordinarychange that is taking place in the londoneconomy and it is this prodigious, pulsating demandof london that helps todrive the rest of the country.

the eu commission has just done astudy about competitiveness of regions in europe,have you all read it? youshould read it, you’re in it folks. they have discovered, they havedetermined,the eu commission – and i dare not dissent – has concluded that surrey andwestand east susse_ – anybody here from surrey and west and east susse_? well done,welldone surrey and west and east susse_, you belong to the fifth mostcompetitive region ineurope. they have looked at berkshire, buckinghamshireand o_fordshire – anybody here fromberkshire, buckinghamshire and o_fordshire?well done, prime minister, well done,congratulations, you belong to the thirdmost competitive region in europe, well done. and whyare those regions sofizzing with competitiveness according to the eu commission? becauselondon isthe most competitive city in the whole of europe and it drives jobs across theuk andnot just in the south-east.

we have an absolutely beautifulnew hop on/hop off routemaster bus as you may haveseen on the streets oflondon and it’s built in ballymena, an absolutely beautiful machine builtinballymena, returning to our streets the hop on/hop off facility that was sowrongly taken awayby the health and safety fiends and the flooring comes fromliskeard in cornwall. yesterday iwas at a factory in middleton, greatermanchester, where they are making the destinationblinds with a beautiful 2022year old chinese silk-screening technique, the destination blindsfor our newlondon bus. there you go, manchester tells london where to go or where to getoff orsome such! it is an absolutely beautiful thing, it was very moving forme to see this work whichis the best of its kind in the whole world and if youlook cornwall, which i mentioned earlier, ittakes thousands of tons of steelfrom darlington – anybody here from darlington? frommiddleton? come on folks,from oldham? well there we go. cranes from derbyshire…[cheer]there you go!newcastle? bridges, bridges from shropshire, anybody from shropshire here?welldone, we love your bridges. survey equipment from devon and prodigiousquantities oflubricant which i have personally inspected, guess where it comesfrom? bournemouth.bournemouth, isn’t that fantastic. and what are the peopleof bournemouth doing when theyare not producing such enormous quantities oflubricant for cross rail? shall i tell you whatthey are doing? i’ll tell you.who do you think is the biggest employer in the whole of dorsetnever mindbournemouth? who is the biggest employer in the whole of dorset, you knowthisone – e_cluding the nhs which is still pretty big – do you know who it is?insurance is veryclose, it’s the right idea, it is j.p. morgan mes amis. j.p.morgan. if there wasn’t a strongbanking sector in london then there would beno strong banking sector in edinburgh and therecertainly wouldn’t be one indorset.

i’ll tell you folks, when i lookat what is happening in london at the moment, i look at someof the investmentsthat are coming in to our city and i haven’t had time to go into whatishappening, because jane mentioned it already, in battersea, in croydon, in theroyal docks, allthe stuff that is sprouting up all over the place. the craneswhich are now decorating the skies oflondon that disappeared four or fiveyears ago. when i see what’s happening i must say that ishare the optimism andthe e_citement of george osborne completely, i thought he gave abrilliantspeech yesterday but i also, i also share his realism, his realism and hisdetermination toremove the remaining barriers to competitiveness in ourcountry and what is the greatestbarrier to competitiveness folks, for londonand indeed for britain? what is it? not visas,much worse than visas. what isthe greatest threat we face, come on folks, pay attention. alabour government,correct.

i mean it quite sincerely, if youlook across the piece there is absolutely no doubt that alabour governmentpresents the single biggest threat to what i think is a glorious,gloriousfuture. do we want to go back to all that again? do we want to put them back onthebridge when they ran the ship aground? i got in terrible trouble forcomparing it to the costaconcordia, some people said it was tasteless of me sookay, what about the titanic then? is thatbetter? is that more acceptable?

we don’t want to go back to thehigh ta_, high spend approach of ed miliband whoemanated from the bowels ofthe trade union movement like his party, we want to go forwardwith a low ta_enterprise equality. we don’t want a mansion ta_ do we? no, we don’t becauseitwould inhibit the very homes programme that we need to get going and we want tobuild, as isay, hundreds of thousands of more homes. we don’t want to go backnever mind to the age ofold labour, we don’t want to go back to the age ofdiocletian, emperor diocletian that is, withsome crazed attempt atgovernmental price fi_ing, which is what ed miliband came up with lastweek, wewant to go forward with a serious programme of new power station building and,for mymoney, with fracking, why not, absolutely, let’s get going.

we must not go back to the oldfailed labour idea of a third runway at heathrow. you knew iwas going to saythis but i’m going to say it, a third runway at heathrow aggravatingnoisepollution in what is already the city in the world worst affected by noisepollution by miles.it was ed balls idea i seem to remember back in the dayswhen labour were in power, it is edballs idea now, he has revealed. it wasballs then, it’s balls now and it is not good enough forthis country, it isn’tthe right answer for the most beautiful and liveable city on earth.

if we are to compete in theglobal race then we need to look at what every one of ourcompetitors is doingin building hub airports with four runways or more, capable of operatingmoreor less round the clock and if we persist with the heathrow option we willwreck thequality of life for millions of londoners, we will constrain london’sability to grow and we willallow the dutch to continue to eat our lunch byturning schiphol into the hub for london. thankyou.

finally, we need to go forwardwith a new deal from the eu, a new deal for britain andindeed i think thewhole of europe needs a new deal from the eu. given what’s happening,given thepainful lack of competitivity in the eurozone, we need reform, we need a changetothose treaties, we need a new approach to some of those prescriptions aboutemployment law,some of those supply side regulations, we need a new approachand there is only one statesmanin this country, indeed there is only onestatesman in the whole european union who is capableof delivering that reformand a referendum and that is my friend the prime minister, davidcameron.

it’s true, absolutely true. if weget these things right and i am absolutely confident thatwe can and wedemolish these remaining barriers to competitiveness, there is no limit towhatwe can do. i saw the other day some geezer from the kremlin said somethingabout thiscountry that was even less polite than what jamie oliver had to say.he said that britain was asmall island that no one paid any attention toe_cept oligarchs who bought chelsea. my view isthat if somebody wants to putmillions of pounds into a london football club, that strikes me aspure publicspiritedness and i support them completely. i don’t want to risk polonium inmysushi by bandying statistics with the kremlin about per capital gdp or lifee_pectancy e_ceptto say that the uk of course vastly e_ceeds russia in both.

the serious point is that thisalleged spokesman underestimates where our country, the uk,is going and whatit can do. if you look at the demographics and the knowledge base andindeedthe manufacturing industries, if you look at what is happening with tata, inwhich thiscountry e_cels, then there is every chance in our lifetimes and imean to live a very, very longtime, that the uk – mark what i say – the ukcould be the biggest country in the eu both inpopulation and in output. thathad you, it’s true. scary thought. the reason so many russianscome here isthat they recognise that london is not simply the capital of britain but alsoof theeu and in many ways, of the world. a city with more american banks in itthan there are in newyork for heaven’s sake. a 24 hour city in which there are100,000 people working in supplying usall with coffee in the coffee bars oflondon, how about that? we have more baristas thanbarristers, there are quitea few barristers as well, and yet with so much green space in londonthat weproduce two million cucumbers a year from london. eat your heart out, vladimirputin. itis partly thanks to our cucumber yields, our staggering cucumberyields, comrades, that londonnow contributes almost 25% of uk gdp, which ismore than the city has contributed at any timesince the romans founded it.

in the ne_t couple of yearsobviously we need to take all sorts of crucial decisions about howto ensurethe harmonious development of that city and i want those decisions to be takenbyconservatives. the choice at the ne_t election is very simple – it’s betweenthe fool’s gold oflabour gimmicks which we all understand, we’ve all fought beforeand a government that iswilling to take tough and sensible decisions, to cutunnecessary spending but to make the keyinvestments in transport andinfrastructure and housing and in our communities that will takethis countryforward. i know what i want as mayor of the greatest city on earth, i think iknowwhat you want, am i right? i know that we can do it so let’s go for itover the ne_t two years.cut that yellow liberal democrat albatross from aroundour necks and let it plop into the sea, letit plop into the sea by workingflat out for david cameron as prime minister and an outrightconservativevictory in 2022. thank you very much, thank you everybody.

第4篇 美國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)卿約翰·克里在弗吉尼亞大學(xué)英語(yǔ)演講稿

thank you. thank you very, verymuch. thank you. good morning. thank you for ane_traordinarily warm welcome,charlottesville. i am really honored to be here.

senator tim kaine, thank youvery, very much for your generous words of introduction.tim, as he mentioned,has only been on the foreign relations committee, i guess now for atotal of afew weeks, but i can, based on his testimony a moment ago, positively commendhimon his voting record. (laughter and applause.) he’s really – he’s foundhimself new jobsecurity too, because here in virginia you have a single-termgovernor for four years, so he hastraded one single four-year term for asi_-year term with potential e_tension. (laughter.) sogiven the fact that itraded the several e_tensions for a four-year term and then i’m finished,maybehe knows something and i ought to be listening to him. (laughter.) i could learna thingor two from him.

we didn’t overlap for long, but iwant to tell everybody here that we know each other prettywell from service asa lieutenant governor and when he was governor of the state. i waslieutenantgovernor of my state, so we have that in common before being senators.

i’ll tell you a quick story. andi don’t know what you do in virginia as lieutenant governor,but inmassachusetts, once upon a time calvin coolidge was lieutenant governor. and hewas ata dinner party, and his dinner partner turned to him and said, “what doyou do?” and he said, “well, i’m calvin coolidge. i’m lieutenant governor ofmassachusetts.” and she said, “oh wow,that must be really interesting. tell meall about the job.” and he said, “i just did.” (laughter.)so i trust, becausethey embraced you and me, we made something more out of it.

but i have huge admiration forthe path that tim kaine has followed. i know his sense ofwhat america means tothe world was forged in the early days that congressman hurt referredto abouthis missionary work, the catholic missionary working in honduras, just helpingotherpeople to live healthier lives. and i know, because two weeks after theelection, tim called meand he asked if he could serve on the foreign relationscommittee. well, in the senate, i willtell you, you don’t always get thosecalls. people who step forward and volunteer in that way ona committee thatdoesn’t have the opportunity to bring bacon back home and perhaps deliverit aseasy a reelection. so i know that in tim kaine, virginia has a senator who’sgoing to makehis mark on that committee, and he’s going to make the mark foryour commonwealth and ourcountry, and we’re grateful for your service, tim.thank you very, very much. (applause.)

i also am particularly gratefulfor congressman robert hurt being here today. i have leftpartisan politics andit’s wonderful for me to be able to welcome people in the complete spiritofnonpartisanship, not just bipartisan, but nonpartisanship. and i’m particularlygrateful to himfor his service in the state legislature, in both houses, nowin the house, and i’m confidentfrom the words you e_pressed and theconversation we had, you’re going to make yourcontribution too. and i thankyou for your presence here today. (applause.)

president sullivan, thank you somuch for welcoming me here to this historic, remarkablecampus. i just feastedon the view as i walked across the lawn with president sullivan, and ihave tosay you all are very lucky to go to school here. (laughter.) it is an honor tojoin you hereon grounds – (laughter and applause) – this very, very beautifulmonument to the potential ofthe human mind. and i have to tell you, to standhere beneath the gaze of the sages of athens,those thinkers who gave us theidea of democracy, which we obviously still continue to perfect,not only inour own nation but around the world, we are grateful for that.

i will tell you also, i was herea long time ago as an undergraduate. i played lacrosse downon that field overthere against you guys, and my first act of diplomacy is literally to forgetwhowon. i have no idea. i don’t know. (laughter.)

i want to thank the folks inuniform. i want to thank the rotc and all those of you who haveserved and willcontinue to serve in some way for our nation. there is no greater declarationofcitizenship than that, and i happen to believe the word “citizen” is one ofthe most important inthe american le_icon.

some might ask why i’m standinghere at the university of virginia, why am i starting here?a secretary ofstate making his first speech in the united states? you might ask, “doesn’tdiplomacy happen over there, overseas, far beyond the boundaries of ourownbackyards?”

so why is it that i am at thefoot of the blue ridge instead of on the shores of the blacksea? why am i inold cabell hall and not kabul, afghanistan? (laughter.)

the reason is very simple. i camehere purposefully to underscore that in today’s globalworld, there is nolonger anything foreign about foreign policy. more than ever before,thedecisions that we make from the safety of our shores don’t just ripple outward;they alsocreate a current right here in america. how we conduct our foreignpolicy matters more thanever before to our everyday lives, to theopportunities of all those students i met standingoutside, whatever year theyare here, thinking about the future. it’s important not just in termsof thethreats that we face, but the products that we buy, the goods that we sell, andtheopportunity that we provide for economic growth and vitality. it’s not justabout whether we’llbe compelled to send our troops to another battle, butwhether we’ll be able to send ourgraduates into a thriving workforce. that’swhy i’m here today.

i’m here because our lives asamericans are more intertwined than ever before with the livesof people inparts of the world that we may have never visited. in the global challengesofdiplomacy, development, economic security, environmental security, you willfeel our successor failure just as strongly as those people in those othercountries that you’ll never meet. for allthat we have gained in the 21stcentury, we have lost the lu_ury of just looking inward.instead, we look outand we see a new field of competitors. i think it gives us much reason tohope.but it also gives us many more rivals determined to create jobs andopportunities fortheir own people, a voracious marketplace that sometimesforgets morality and values.

i know that some of you and manyacross the country wish that globalization would just goaway, or you wistfullyremember easier times. but, my friends, no politician, no matter howpowerful,can put this genie back in the bottle. so our challenge is to tame the worstimpulsesof globalization even as we harness its ability to spread informationand possibility, to offereven the most remote place on earth the same choicesthat have made us strong and free.

so before i leave this weekend tolisten to our allies and partners ne_t week throughouteurope and the middleeast, and in the coming months across asia, africa, and the americas, iwantedto first talk with you about the challenge that we face here at home, becauseourengagement with the rest of the world begins by making some important choicestogether, andparticularly about our nation’s budget. our sense of sharedresponsibility, that we care aboutsomething bigger than ourselves, isabsolutely central to the spirit of this school. it’s also centralto thespirit of our nation.

as you well know, and dr.sullivan reminded you a moment ago, our first secretary of statefounded thisgreat university. students of his day, when he did, could basically only studylaw ormedicine or religion. that was about it. but thomas jefferson had avision, and he believed thatthe american people needed a public place to learna diversity of disciplines – studies of scienceand space, of flora, fauna, andphilosophy. he built this university in the image of what he called“theillimitable freedom of the human mind.”

today, those of you who studyhere and who teach here, along with the ta_payers,contributors, and parentswho believe in your potential, you are all investing in mr. jefferson’svision.now think for a moment about what that means. why do you spend the many daysandthe borrowed dollars it takes to earn an education here, or anywhere? whydid jefferson wantthis institution to remain public and accessible, not justto virginians but as a destinationfrom everywhere? i know that he wasn’t thinkingjust about your getting a degree and a job. itwas about something more.jefferson believed we couldn’t be a strong country without investingin thekind of education that empowers us to be good citizens. that’s why foundingthisuniversity is among the few accomplishments that jefferson listed on hisepitaph that he wrotefor himself. to him, this place and its goal was a biggerpart of his legacy than serving assecretary of state or even as president,neither of which made the cut.

just as jefferson understood thatwe need to invest in education in order to produce goodcitizens, i joinpresident obama today in asserting with urgency that our citizenry deservesastrong foreign policy to protect our interests in the world. a wise investmentin foreign policycan yield for a nation the same return that education doesfor a student. and no investmentthat we make that is as small as thisinvestment puts forward such a sizeable benefit forourselves and for ourfellow citizens of the world. that’s why i wanted to have thisconversationwith you today, which i hope is a conversation that e_tends well beyondtheborders of charlottesville, well beyond this university, to all americans.

when i talk about a smallinvestment in foreign policy in the united states, i mean it. notso long ago,someone polled the american people and asked, “how big is our internationalaffairsbudget?” most pegged it at 25 percent of our national budget, and theythought it ought to bepared way back to ten percent of our national budget.let me tell you, would that that weretrue. i’d take ten percent in aheartbeat, folks – (laughter) – because ten percent is e_actly tentimesgreater than what we do invest in our efforts to protect america around theworld.

in fact, our whole foreign policybudget is just over one percent of our national budget.think about it a littlebit. over one percent, a little bit more, funds all of our civilian andforeignaffairs efforts – every embassy, every program that saves a child from dirtydrinkingwater, or from aids, or reaches out to build a village, and bringamerica’s values, every person.we’re not talking about pennies on the dollar;we’re talking about one penny plus a bit, on asingle dollar.

so where you think this ideacomes from, that we spend 25 percent of our budget? well, i’lltell you. it’spretty simple. as a recovering politician – (laughter) – i can tell you thatnothinggets a crowd clapping faster in a lot of places than saying, “i’m goingto washington to get themto stop spending all that money over there.” andsometimes they get a lot more specific.

if you’re looking for an applauseline, that’s about as guaranteed an applause line as youcan get. but guesswhat? it does nothing to guarantee our security. it doesn’t guaranteeastronger country. it doesn’t guarantee a sounder economy or a more stable jobmarket. itdoesn’t guarantee that the best interests of our nation are beingserved. it doesn’t guaranteethat another young american man or woman won’t goand lose their life because we weren’twilling to make the right investmentshere in the first place.

we need to say no to the politicsof the lowest common denominator and of simplisticslogans, and start makingreal choices that protect the interests of our country. that’simperative.(applause.)

unfrtunately, the statedepartment doesn’t have our own grover norquist pushing a pledgeto protect it.we don’t have millions of aarp seniors who send in their dues and rally toprotectamerica’s investments overseas. the kids whose lives we’re helping savefrom aids, the womenwe’re helping to free from the horrors of se_ trafficking,the students who, for the first time, canchoose to walk into a school insteadof into a short life of terrorism – their strongest lobbyists arethe rare,committed americans who stand up for them and for the resources that we needtohelp them. and i hope that includes all of you here and many listening.

you understand why. every timethat a tough fiscal choice looms, the easiest place topoint fingers – foreignaid. as ronald reagan said, foreign aid suffers from a lack ofdomesticconstituency, and that’s part of the reason that everyone thinks it costs a lotmore thanit really does. so we need to change that. i reject the e_cuse thatamericans just aren’tinterested in what’s happening outside of their immediatefield of vision. i don’t believe thatabout any one of you sitting here, and idon’t believe that about americans.

in fact, the real domesticconstituency for what we do, if people can see the dots connectedandunderstand what we’re doing in its full measure, is really large. it’s the 314millionamericans whose lives are better every day because of what we do, andwho, deep down, whenthey have time to stop and think about it, know that ourinvestment abroad actually makesthem and our nation safer.

now, my friends, in this age,when a shrinking world clashes with calls for shrinking budgets– and we’re notalone – it’s our job to connect those dots, to connect them for theamericanpeople between what we do over there and the size of the difference that itmakes overhere at home, why the price of abandoning our global efforts wouldbe e_orbitant, and whythe vacuum we would leave by retreating within ourselveswill quickly be filled by those whoseinterests differ dramatically from ours.

we learned that lesson in thedeserts of mali recently, in the mountains of afghanistan in2022, and in thetribal areas of pakistan even today. just think: today’s first-years here atuvawere starting the second grade when a small cabal of terrorists halfwayaround the worldshattered our sense of security and our stability, ourskylines. so i know that you certainlyhave always understood that bad thingshappening over there threaten us right here.

knowing that, the question isthis: how do we, together, make clear that the opposite is justas true; thatif we do the right things, the good things, the smart things over there, itwillstrengthen us here at home?

let me tell you my answer: ibelieve we do this in two ways. first, it’s about telling the storyof how westand up for american jobs and businesses – pretty practical, prettystraightforward,and pretty real on a day-to-day basis. and second, it’s abouthow we stand up for our americanvalues, something that has alwaysdistinguished america.

i agree with president obama thatthere is nothing in this current budget fight thatrequires us to make baddecisions, that forces us to retrench or to retreat. this is a time tocontinueto engage for the sake of the safety and the economic health of our country.this is notoptional. it is a necessity. the american people understand this, ibelieve. our businessesunderstand this. it’s simple. the more they sellabroad, the more they’re going to hire here athome. and since 95 percent ofthe world’s customers live outside of our country, we can’thamstring our ownability to compete in those increasingly growing markets.

virginia understands this as wellas any state in the union. senator kaine, i know, when agovernor, took thosetrips to try to make this happen. international trade supports more thanamillion jobs right here in virginia – more than one in five jobs in virginia,which actually todayis the story of america.

you have a company up near dullescalled orbital sciences corporation. with the help of thepersistent advocatesof our embassy in bangkok, it beat out french and russian competitors tobuildthailand’s newest broadcast satellite. virginia’s orbital is now teaming upwith a californiacompany called space e_ploration technologies that makessatellite equipment. the deal thatour embassy helped secure, valued at $160million, goes right back into american communitiesfrom coast to coast. that’sthe difference that our embassies abroad actually can make back hereat home.

and these success stories happenin partnership with countries all over the world because ofthe resources thatwe’ve deployed to bring business and jobs back to america. theseinvestments,my friends, are paying for themselves. we create more than 5,000 jobs foreverybillion dollars of goods and services that we e_port. so the last thing that weshould do issurrender this kind of leverage.

these successes are happening incanada, where state department officers there got a localautomotive firm toinvest tens of millions of dollars in michigan, where the americanautoindustry is now making a remarkable comeback.

in indonesia where, thanks toembassy jakarta, that nation’s largest privately run airlinejust placed anorder for commercial aircraft, the largest order boeing has ever been askedtofill. meanwhile, the indonesian state railroad is buying its locomotives fromgeneral electric.

in south africa, where more than600 u.s. companies are doing business, and where opic,the overseas privateinvestment corporation, and the e_port-import bank, and the tradeanddevelopment agency just opened an office to help close more investment dealsbetweenamerican companies and africa’s booming energy and transportationsectors, it’s also a two-waystreet. a major south african energy company isplanning to build a multibillion-dollar plant inlouisiana that will put moreamericans to work.

let me tell you, this ishappening, in cameroon and bosnia and other surprising places. inthe shadowsof world war ii, if you told someone that japan and germany would today beourfourth- and fifth-largest trading partners, someone would have thought you werecrazy.before ni_on’s bold opening with china, no one could have imagined thattoday it would be oursecond-largest trading partner, but that’s e_actly what’shappened.

eleven of our top 15 tradingpartners used to be the beneficiaries of u.s. foreignassistance. that’sbecause our goal isn’t to keep a nation dependent on us forever. it’spreciselyto create these markets, to open these opportunities, to establish rule of law.our goalis to use assistance and development to help nations realize their ownpotential, develop theirown ability to govern and become our economic partners.

one of america’s most incrediblerealities continues to be that we are a country without anypermanent enemies.now, take vietnam. i will never forget standing ne_t to john mccain in theeastroom of the white house, each of us on either side of president clinton as heannounced theonce unthinkable normalization of our relations with vietnam, aneffort that john mccain andi worked on for about ten years, try to bringabout.

in the last decade, thanks inlarge part to the work of usaid, our e_ports to vietnamincreased by more than700 percent. every one of those percentage points are jobs here inamerica. andin the last two decades, a thousand vietnamese students and scholars havestudiedand taught in america through the fulbright program, including theforeign minister ofvietnam, who i just talked to the other day and who,believe me, has feelings about americabecause of that engagement.

the list goes on. as the emergingmiddle class in india, the world’s largest democracy,buys our products, thatmeans jobs and income for our own middle class. as our traditionalassistanceto brazil decreases, trade there is increasing. brazil is one of the new tigersgrowing ata double-digit pace, and it supports additional jobs here at home,many in the u.s. travel andtourism industry.

when jefferson e_panded ourconsular posts precisely to promote trade, he never couldhave imagined theimportance today. nor could he have predicted the number of americansabroadthat we help with their passports, with visas, with other problems that arise.or that wehelp offer, to those who want to grow their families throughadoption, or who find themselves inlegal trouble or distress far from home. orthe role our diplomats play, screening potentialsecurity threats and takingthem off the radar screen before they ever reach yourconsciousness,potentially in the worst ways. or that we create a new american job forevery65 visitors that we help to bring to our shores.

so, my friends, we have to keepgoing. we can’t afford the kind of delay and disruption thatstands on thehorizon in washington. the e_citing new trade negotiation that presidentobamaannounced last week between the united states and the european union willcreate theworld’s biggest bilateral deal when it comes to fruition, atransatlantic partnership that willmatch the scope and ambition of ourtrans-pacific partnership talks.

but our work is far from over.seven of the ten fastest growing countries are on the africancontinent. andchina, understanding that, is already investing more than we do there. fourofthe five biggest oil and natural gas discoveries happened off the coast ofmozambique last yearalone. developing economies are the epicenters of growth,and they are open for business, andthe united states needs to be at thattable.

if we want a new list ofassistance graduates, countries that used to take our aid but nowbuy oure_ports, we can’t afford to pull back. and if we’re going to seize this budgetcrisis as thegreat opportunity that it can be, we can’t shy away from tellingthis story to the americanpeople, to your members of congress, and to theworld.

but let me emphasize: jobs andtrade are not the whole story, and nor should they be. thegood work of thestate department, of usaid, is measured not only in the value of thedollar,but it’s also measured in our deepest values. we value security and stabilityin otherparts of the world, knowing that failed states are among our greatestsecurity threats, and newpartners are our greatest assets.

the investments that we makesupport our efforts to counter terrorism and violente_tremism wherever itflourishes. and we will continue to help countries provide their ownsecurity,use diplomacy where possible, and support those allies who take the fighttoterrorists.

and remember – boy, i can’temphasize this enough; i’m looking at a soldier here in front ofme with aribbon on his chest – deploying diplomats today is much cheaper thandeployingtroops tomorrow. we need to remember that. (applause.) as senator lindseygrahamsaid, “it’s national security insurance that we’re buying.”

now,it sounds e_pensive, myfriends, but simple bottom line, it’s not. the statedepartment’s conflictstabilization budget is about $60 million a year now. that’s how much themovie“the avengers” took in on a single sunday last may. (laughter.) the differenceis the folksthat we have on the ground doing this job are actually realsuperheroes.

we value human rights, and weneed to tell the story of america’s good work there, too. weknow that the mosteffective way to promote the universal rights of all people, rightsandreligious freedom, is not from the podium, not from either end of pennsylvaniaavenue. it’sfrom the front lines – wherever freedom and basic human dignityare denied. and that’s whattim kaine understood when he went to honduras.

the brave employees of state andusaid – and the diplomatic security personnel whoprotect the civilians servingus overseas – work in some of the most dangerous places on earth,and they doit fully cognizant that we share stronger partnerships with countries thatshare ourcommitment to democratic values and human rights. they fightcorruption in nigeria. theysupport the rule of law in burma. they support democraticinstitutions in kyrgyzstan andgeorgia, mindful from our own e_perience that ittakes a long time to get democracy right, andthat it rarely happens rightaway.

in the end, all of those efforts,all of that danger and risk that they take, makes us moresecure. and we dovalue democracy, just as you’ve demonstrated here at uva throughthepresidential precinct program that’s training leaders in emerging democracies.

thanks to a decade of intensivediplomatic efforts alongside our partners, a conflict thattook more than 2million lives – and people think about the holocaust, 6 million over thecourseof world war ii, we lost 2 million people in the longest war in africa in ourtime in the lastyears. and of that south sudan was born a free nation. securingits future and peace for all ofits citizens is going to take continueddiplomatic efforts alongside partners like the african union.and the more wecan develop the capacity of the african union, the less the united stateswillhave to worry.

i’ve stood in south sudan. i’veseen those challenges firsthand, and they still face theworld’s newest countryand its government. those challenges threaten to reverse hard-wonprogress andstability. and that’s why we’re working closely with that nation to help itprovide itsown citizens with essential services like water, health, andeducation and agriculture practices.

we value health and nutrition,and the principle of helping people gain strength to helpthemselves. throughcornerstone initiatives like feed the future, we help countries not onlyplantand harvest better food, but we also help them break the cycle of poverty, ofpoornutrition, and of hunger.

we seek to reduce maternalmortality, eradicate polio, and protect people from malaria,tuberculosis, andpandemic influenza. and i will tell you proudly that through the globalhealthinitiative and programs that i was proud to have a hand in helping to create,like pepfar,we have saved the lives of 5 million people in africa through theefforts of americans. today… (applause.) and today – today astonishingly – weare standing on the edge of the potential ofan aids-free generation, becausewe know these diseases don’t discriminate by nationality,and we believe thatrelieving preventable suffering doesn’t need a justification. and ithinkthat’s part of our values.

we value gender equality, knowingthat countries are, in fact, more peaceful andprosperous when women and girlsare afforded full rights and equal opportunity. (applause.) inthe last decade,the proportion of african_ women enrolled in higher education went fromnearlyzero to 20 percent. in 2022, there were fewer than a million boys in afghanschools andbarely any girls. now, with america’s help, more than a third ofthe almost 8 million studentsgoing to school in afghanistan are girls. andmore than a quarter of their representatives inparliament are women. we shouldbe proud of that, and that helps to make a difference for thelong haul.

we value education, promotingprograms like the fulbright e_changes managed by thedepartment of state. theyenable the most talented citizens to share their devotion todiplomacy andpeace, their hopes, their friendships, and the belief that all of the earth’ssonsand daughters ought to have the opportunity to lift themselves up. todaythese e_changesbring hundreds of thousands of students to america from othercountries, and vice versa. in thelast year alone, more than 10,000 citizens offoreign countries participated in the statedepartment’s academic, youth,professional and cultural e_change programs right here invirginia. virginiansalso studied abroad through state department programs. senator fulbright,atwhose hearings i had the privilege of testifying as a young veteran returning fromvietnam,he knew that the value of sharing our proudest values bore fruit inthe long run, in the future.he said, “having people who understand yourthought,” he said, “is much greater securitythan another submarine.”

let me be very clear. foreign assistanceis not a giveaway. it’s not charity. it is aninvestment in a strong americaand in a free world. foreign assistance lifts other people up andthenreinforces their willingness to link arms with us in common endeavors. and whenwe helpothers crack down on corruption, that makes it easier for our owncompliance againstcorruption, and it makes it easier for our companies to dobusiness as well.

when we join with other nationsto reduce the nuclear threat, we build partnerships thatmean we don’t have tofight those battles alone. this includes working with our partners aroundtheworld in making sure that iran never obtains a weapon that would endanger ourallies andour interests. when we help others create the space that they needto build stability in theirown communities, we’re actually helping bravepeople build a better, more democratic future,and making sure that we don’tpay more later in american blood and treasure.

the stories that we need to tell,of standing up for american jobs and businesses andstanding up for ouramerican values, intersect powerfully in the opportunity that we have nowinthis moment of urgency to lead on the climate concerns that we share with ourglobalneighbors. we as a nation must have the foresight and the courage tomake the investmentsnecessary to safeguard the most sacred trust we keep forour children and our grandchildren,and that is an environment not ravaged byrising seas, deadly superstorms, devastatingdroughts, and the other hallmarksof a dramatically changing climate. president obama iscommitted to movingforward on that, and so am i, and so must you be ready to join us inthateffort. (applause.)

can we all say thank you to oursigners who are here? (applause.)

so think about all these things thati’ve listed. think about the world as you see it today.let’s face it: we areall in this one together. no nation can stand alone. we share nothingsocompletely as our planet. when we work with others, large and small, to developand deploythe clean technologies that will power a new world – and they’rethere waiting for us, $6 trillionmarket, huge amount of jobs – when we dothat, we know we’re helping create the new marketsand new opportunities foramerica’s second-to-none innovators and entrepreneurs so that wecan succeed inthe ne_t great revolution in our marketplace. we need to commit ourselvestodoing the smart thing and the right thing and to truly take on this challenge,because if wedon’t rise to meet it, then rising temperatures and rising sealevels will surely lead to rising costsdown the road. ask any insurancecompany in america. if we waste this opportunity, it may bethe only thing ourgeneration – generations – are remembered for. we need to find the couragetoleave a far different legacy.

we cannot talk about theunprecedented changes happening on our planet, moreover,without also talkingabout the unprecedented changes in its population, another greatopportunity atour fingertips. in countries across north africa and the middle east, themajorityof people are younger than 30 years old – 60 percent under 30, 50percent under 21, 40 percentunder 18, about half of the total under 20. andyou know what? they seek the sameopportunities and the same things that youdo: opportunity. we have an interest in helpingthese young people to developthe skills that they need to defeat the mass unemploymentthat is overwhelmingtheir societies so that they can in fact start contributing totheircommunities and rebuild their broken economies rather than engaging in someotherterrorist or other kind of e_tremist activity. for the first time inhuman history, young peoplearound the world act as a global cohort, includingmany of the people in this room. they’remore open-minded. they’re moreproficient with the technology that keeps them connected in away that nogeneration in history has ever been before. we need to help all of them, andus, touse this remarkable network in a positive way.

now, some may say not now, notwhile we have our budget; it’s too e_pensive. well, believeme, my friends,these challenges will not get easier with time. there is no pause button onthefuture. we cannot choose when we would like to stop and restart our globalresponsibility orsimply wait until the calendar says it’s more convenient.it’s not easy, but responding is theamerican thing to do. and i’ll tell you,it’s worth it.

our relatively small investmentin these programs – programs which advance peace,security, and stabilityaround the world, which help american companies compete abroad,which createjobs here at home by opening new markets to american goods, whichsupportamerican citizens abroad, help them when they need it the most, which fosterstablesocieties and save lives by fighting disease and hunger, which defendthe universal rights of allpeople and advance freedom and dignity anddevelopment around the world, which bringpeople together and nations together,and forge partnerships to address problems thattranscend the separation of oceansand borders on land, which protect our planet for ourchildren and theirchildren, and which give hope to a new generation of interconnectedworldcitizens – our investment in all of those things cost us, as i just mentioned,about onepenny of every dollar we invest. america, you will not find a betterdeal anywhere.

now, i’m particularly aware thatin many ways, the greatest challenge to america’s foreignpolicy today is inthe hands not of diplomats, but of policymakers in congress. it is oftensaidthat we cannot be strong at home if we’re not strong in the world, but in thesedays of alooming budget sequester that everyone actually wants to avoid – ormost – we can’t bestrong in the world unless we are strong at home. mycredibility as a diplomat working to helpother countries create order isstrongest when america, at last, puts its own fiscal house inorder, and thathas to be now. (applause.)

think about it. it’s hard to tellthe leadership of any number of countries that they have toresolve theireconomic issues if we don’t resolve our own. let’s reach a responsibleagreementthat prevents these senseless cuts. let’s not lose this opportunitybecause of politics.

as i’ve said many times before,america is not e_ceptional simply because we say we are.we are e_ceptionalbecause we do e_ceptional things, both where there are problems as wellaswhere there is promise, both where there is danger as well as where there isdemocracy. i amoptimistic that we will continue to do these e_ceptionalthings. i know we have the capacity. iknow that’s who we are, and it’s whowe’ve always been.

as we ask where our ne_t stepsshould fall on this path, we would do well to learn a lessonfrom our ownhistory. in the aftermath of world war ii and its great toll, america had thechoice,just like we do today, to turn inward. instead, secretary of stategeorge marshall saw in bothdefeated and allied nations the threat ofbankruptcy, homes and railways destroyed, people whowere starving, economiesdecimated.

he had the foresight to know thatthere could be no political stability and no peacewithout renewed economicstrength. he knew we had an obligation to partner with europe,help it rebuild,modernize it, and give it the push that it needed to become the powerfulandpeaceful trading partner it is today. after the war, my friends, we didn’tspike the football;we created a more level playing field, and we are strongerfor it today.

when i was 12 years old, i hadthe privilege of living in berlin, germany, where my father,a foreign serviceofficer, was called to duty. and one day, i visited the eastern side of berlin,thepart that hadn’t received any of the help from the united states and itscourageous marshallplan.

the difference was undeniable,even to my 12-year-old eyes. there were few people on thestreets, few smileson the faces of those who were there. i saw the difference between hopeanddespair, freedom and oppression, people who were given a chance to do somethingandpeople who weren’t. if the recovering western half of urope was regainingits vibrant color, theplace that i visited was still in black and white.

when i went back to west berlin,two things happened. first, i was summarily groundedfor having venturedwithout permission to the other side of the city. (laughter.) and second,istarted to pay special attention to the plaques on the buildings thatrecognized the unitedstates of america for lending a hand in the rebuilding.and i was proud.

the marshall plan, the imf, theworld bank, and other postwar organizations led by theunited states areevidence of our ability to make the right decisions at the right time,takingrisks today in the interest of tomorrow.

now we face a similar crossroads.we can be complacent, or we can be competitive. asnew markets bloom in everycorner of the globe – and they will, with or without us – we can bethere tohelp plant the seeds, or we can cede that power to others.

given the chance to lead a secondgreat american century, let’s not just look to the globallandscape around ustoday; let’s look to the one ahead of us, look over the horizon, look tothedays to come 15 and 50 years from now, and marshal the courage that defined themarshallplan so that we might secure a new future of freedom.

let’s remember that theprinciples of jefferson’s time, in a nation that was just getting usedto itsindependence, still echo in our own time, in a world that’s still getting usedto ourinterdependence. america’s national interest in leading strongly stillendures in this world.

so let me leave you with athought. when tragedy and terror visit our neighbors around theglobe, whetherby the hand of man or by the hand of god, many nations give of themselvestohelp. but only one is e_pected to.

with the leadership of presidentobama and the cooperation i will work hard to securefrom the congress, we willcontinue to lead as the indispensable nation, not because we seekthis role,but because the world needs us to fill it. not as a choice, but as a charge.not becausewe view it as a burden, but because we know it to be a privilege.

that is what is special about theunited states of america. that is what is special aboutbeing an american. thate_ceptional quality that we share is what i will bring with me on mytravels onyour behalf. but our sense of responsibility cannot be reserved for responsestoemergencies alone. it has to be e_ercised in the pursuit of preventingdisaster, of strengtheningalliances, of building markets, of promotinguniversal rights, and standing up for our values.

over the ne_t four years, i askyou to stand with our president and our country to continueto conductourselves with the understanding that what happens over there matters righthere,and it matters that we get this right.

thank you. (applause.)

第5篇 約翰·肯尼迪《我們選擇登月》英語(yǔ)演講稿

n this 1962 speech given at rice university in houston, te_as, president john f. kennedyreaffirmed america's commitment to landing a man on the moon before the end of the 1960s.the president spoke in philosophical terms about the need to solve the mysteries of spaceand also defended the enormous e_pense of the space program.

president pitzer mr. vice president, governor, congressman thomas, senator wiley, andcongressman miller, mr. webb, mr. bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies andgentlemen:

i appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and i will assureyou that my first lecture will be very brief.

i am delighted to be here and i'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.

we meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a state noted forstrength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, ina decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance. the greater ourknowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.

despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive andworking today, despite the fact that this nation's own scientific manpower is doubling every 12years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despitethat, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still faroutstrip our collective comprehension.

no man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the50,000 years of man's recorded history in a time span of but a half-century. stated in theseterms, we know very little about the first 40 years, e_cept at the end of them advanced manhad learned to use the skins of animals to cover them. then about 10 years ago, under thisstandard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter. only five years agoman learned to write and use a cart with wheels. christianity began less than two years ago.the printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power. newtone_plored the meaning of gravity. last month electric lights and telephones and automobilesand airplanes became available. only last week did we develop penicillin and television andnuclear power, and now if america's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching venus, we will haveliterally reached the stars before midnight tonight.

this is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old,new ignorance, new problems, new dangers. surely the opening vistas of space promise highcosts and hardships, as well as high reward.

so it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait.but this city of houston, this state of te_as, this country of the united states was not built bythose who waited and rested and wished to look behind them. this country was conquered bythose who moved forward--and so will space.

william bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the plymouth bay colony, said that allgreat and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must beenterprised and overcome with answerable courage.

if this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest forknowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. the e_ploration of space willgo ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and nonation which e_pects to be the leader of other nations can e_pect to stay behind in this race forspace.

those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrialrevolution, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and thisgeneration does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space. we mean tobe a part of it--we mean to lead it. for the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moonand to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostileflag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. we have vowed that we shall not seespace filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge andunderstanding.

yet the vows of this nation can only be fulfilled if we in this nation are first, and, therefore, weintend to be first. in short, our leadership in science and industry, our hopes for peace andsecurity, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, tosolve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world'sleading space-faring nation.

we set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to bewon, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people. for space science, likenuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own. whether it will become aforce for good or ill depends on man, and only if the united states occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifyingtheater of war. i do not say that we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse ofspace any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but i do saythat space can be e_plored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating themistakes that man has made in e_tending his writ around this globe of ours.

there is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. its hazards arehostile to us all. its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity forpeaceful cooperation many never come again. but why, some say, the moon? why choosethis as our goal? and they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? why, 35 years ago,fly the atlantic? why does rice play te_as?

we choose to go to the moon. we choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the otherthings, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve toorganize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one thatwe are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win,and the others, too.

it is for these reasons that i regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from lowto high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbencyin the office of the presidency.

in the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and mostcomple_ e_ploration in man's history. we have felt the ground shake and the air shatteredby the testing of a saturn c-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the atlas whichlaunched john glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with theiraccelerators on the floor. we have seen the site where five f-1 rocket engines, each one aspowerful as all eight engines of the saturn combined, will be clustered together to make theadvanced saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at cape canaveral as tall asa 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.

within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth. some 40 of them weremade in the united states of america and they were far more sophisticated and supplied farmore knowledge to the people of the world than those of the soviet union.

the mariner spacecraft now on its way to venus is the most intricate instrument in thehistory of space science. the accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile fromcape canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the 40-yard lines.

transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course. tiros satellites have givenus unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires andicebergs.

we have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them. and they may beless public.

to be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight. but we do notintend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.

the growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universeand environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new toolsand computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school. technical institutions,such as rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.

and finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great numberof new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs. space and related industries aregenerating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this state, andthis region, will share greatly in this growth. what was once the furthest outpost on the oldfrontier of the west will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space.houston, your city of houston, with its manned spacecraft center, will become the heart of alarge scientific and engineering community. during the ne_t 5 years the national aeronauticsand space administration e_pects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area,to increase its outlays for salaries and e_penses to $60 million a year; to invest some $200million in plant and laboratory facilities; and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1billion from this center in this city.

to be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money. this year's space budget is three timeswhat it was in january 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eightyears combined. that budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, thoughsomewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year. space e_penditures will soonrise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for everyman, woman and child in the united states, for we have given this program a high nationalpriority--even though i realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for wedo not now know what benefits await us. but if i were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shallsend to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in houston, a giant rocketmore than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some ofwhich have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times morethan have ever been e_perienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finestwatch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control,communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, andthen return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles perhour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is heretoday--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we mustbe bold.

i'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.

however, i think we're going to do it, and i think that we must pay what needs to be paid. idon't think we ought to waste any money, but i think we ought to do the job. and this will bedone in the decade of the si_ties. it may be done while some of you are still here at school atthis college and university. it will be done during the terms of office of some of the people whosit here on this platform. but it will be done. and it will be done before the end of thisdecade.

and i am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as partof a great national effort of the united states of america.

many years ago the great british e_plorer george mallory, who was to die on mount everest, wasasked why did he want to climb it. he said, 'because it is there.'

well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, andnew hopes for knowledge and peace are there. and, therefore, as we set sail we ask god'sblessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man hasever embarked.

thank you.

第6篇 紐厄爾-索雷爾設(shè)計(jì)公司創(chuàng)始人約翰·索雷爾勵(lì)志演講稿

14歲的時(shí)候，有一天我的藝術(shù)老師ramsey先生，我不會(huì)忘記他對(duì)我說(shuō)，你想不想去藝術(shù)學(xué)校上周六的課?我在學(xué)校擅長(zhǎng)藝術(shù)，也很喜歡設(shè)計(jì)。我想，試試看吧。下一個(gè)周六我就去了。一個(gè)小時(shí)內(nèi)，我就被這個(gè)棒極了的，被充滿創(chuàng)造和想象力的地方迷住了。過(guò)去的60年我很幸運(yùn)，能夠在我的職業(yè)生涯里，見(jiàn)證今天英國(guó)創(chuàng)意行業(yè)的形成。所以我現(xiàn)在想說(shuō)三件事：創(chuàng)意、創(chuàng)意行業(yè)和創(chuàng)意的教育。

創(chuàng)意行業(yè)，讓我為那些不熟悉的人介紹一下，它是不同創(chuàng)意制作行為的集合，比如設(shè)計(jì)、雕塑、電影、音樂(lè)、電視、游戲、廣播、行為藝術(shù)、視覺(jué)藝術(shù)等。這些美好事物的集合，被充滿創(chuàng)造力的人展現(xiàn)出來(lái)。

我相信我們?cè)趧?chuàng)意的新時(shí)代。環(huán)游世界的時(shí)候，我發(fā)現(xiàn)這個(gè)世界的很多城市，都在想辦法釋放民眾的創(chuàng)造力，從而造福社會(huì)、文化和經(jīng)濟(jì)。我在2022年成立了倫敦設(shè)計(jì)節(jié)，該設(shè)計(jì)節(jié)每年九月在倫敦舉行，一共有400多場(chǎng)活動(dòng)，活動(dòng)范圍涵蓋了倫敦的東部南部和北部。倫敦就像是創(chuàng)意的舞臺(tái)，設(shè)計(jì)師就是舞臺(tái)上的演員，有35萬(wàn)人來(lái)參觀這些活動(dòng)。全世界的人，都來(lái)參加倫敦設(shè)計(jì)節(jié)，每年都有來(lái)自中國(guó)的特別代表團(tuán)。幾年前，我發(fā)現(xiàn)，其他的國(guó)家和城市，都有了自己版本的倫敦設(shè)計(jì)節(jié)。為什么那么做呢?我可不認(rèn)為他們是鬧著玩的，我相信他們是意識(shí)到了，創(chuàng)造力可以幫助他們的國(guó)家更加成功。

總有人問(wèn)我，英國(guó)是怎樣建立這么成功的文化創(chuàng)意產(chǎn)業(yè)部門的?我的答案是：首先，這是一個(gè)小島國(guó)，我們必須要一直有創(chuàng)造性，才能存活下來(lái)并且獲得成功。所以我們創(chuàng)造了很多東西，比如說(shuō)火車、電話和互聯(lián)網(wǎng)。如果你仔細(xì)想想，網(wǎng)絡(luò)也只存在了三十五年。想想看，在未來(lái)的三十五年中，還有什么會(huì)被發(fā)明，但沒(méi)有人想到過(guò)。當(dāng)這樣的發(fā)明出現(xiàn)的時(shí)候，你的生活也會(huì)被改變，如同互聯(lián)網(wǎng)改變了我們的生活。這就是創(chuàng)意。英國(guó)在創(chuàng)意產(chǎn)業(yè)，以及很多不同的領(lǐng)域都做得非常好。我總是說(shuō)，如果有創(chuàng)意奧林匹克的話，英國(guó)會(huì)表現(xiàn)得非常好，會(huì)贏得很多金牌銀牌和銅牌。第二個(gè)理由，在英國(guó)有一個(gè)各族裔、各國(guó)籍的人組成的創(chuàng)意社區(qū)，這些有創(chuàng)意想法的人的大熔爐，讓英國(guó)變得特別。最后一個(gè)原因是教育，我們有一個(gè)根基深厚的教育系統(tǒng)那就是創(chuàng)意產(chǎn)業(yè)教育，第一個(gè)政府創(chuàng)意學(xué)校，在一百七十八年前在倫敦被建立了，這所學(xué)校叫作政府創(chuàng)意學(xué)校，全國(guó)很快就有很多其他的大學(xué)模仿此做法，讓全國(guó)的年輕人都可以學(xué)習(xí)藝術(shù)和創(chuàng)意。我們一直都在談?wù)摯髮W(xué)的教育，我認(rèn)為孩子越年輕開(kāi)始培養(yǎng)創(chuàng)造力越好。我的妻子和我開(kāi)了一家二十五年歷史的公司，這是一家創(chuàng)意公司，當(dāng)我們出售這家公司的時(shí)候，我們用這筆錢建立了一個(gè)基金，叫索雷爾基金會(huì)。它資助從四歲到大學(xué)階段的孩子。其中有一個(gè)正在進(jìn)行的項(xiàng)目，我現(xiàn)在向你們介紹它，我們的基金會(huì)讓大學(xué)，在當(dāng)?shù)貙W(xué)校找十四歲的孩子，在周六，由大學(xué)里的導(dǎo)師親自教授他們學(xué)習(xí)藝術(shù)和設(shè)計(jì)。除了可以在大學(xué)學(xué)習(xí)之外，他們還可以在倫敦的藝術(shù)博物館參觀。他們還有很大的教室，里面有各種名家名畫(huà)。這么做是因?yàn)槲蚁Ｍ⒆觽冊(cè)诒M可能年輕的時(shí)候，有機(jī)會(huì)尋找到正確的道路，找到他們想做的事情。如果他們想學(xué)藝術(shù)和設(shè)計(jì)，我希望能夠給他們這樣的機(jī)會(huì)。

我想通過(guò)一個(gè)故事來(lái)結(jié)束今天的演講。幾年前劍橋大學(xué)做過(guò)一個(gè)研究，他們重新觀察了原始人的洞穴，里面有古代壁畫(huà)和其它的標(biāo)志。他們第一次發(fā)現(xiàn)，這一萬(wàn)三千多年前的壁畫(huà)，有些居然是孩子們創(chuàng)造的。他們是通過(guò)這些圖案的大小來(lái)推斷的，都是通過(guò)很小的手畫(huà)出來(lái)的，小到三歲。他們也發(fā)現(xiàn)很多東西都是畫(huà)在天花板上的，所以孩子們肯定是坐在大人們的肩膀上，或者說(shuō)被舉了起來(lái)，來(lái)表達(dá)出他們的創(chuàng)造力。想想吧，如果你覺(jué)得以藝術(shù)行業(yè)為生很困難，想想這些一萬(wàn)三千多年前的孩子，在黑暗的洞穴中，坐在大人們的肩膀上，抒發(fā)他們的創(chuàng)意。

謝謝。

第7篇 世界著名的激勵(lì)演講家約翰·庫(kù)緹斯介紹

世界著名的激勵(lì)演講家約翰·庫(kù)緹斯介紹

他天生嚴(yán)重殘疾，但他以拒絕死亡來(lái)挑戰(zhàn)醫(yī)學(xué)觀念；他沒(méi)有腿，也不依靠輪椅生活，卻形成了世界級(jí)的自尊、自信和自立。他拒絕向現(xiàn)實(shí)低頭，反而選擇堅(jiān)強(qiáng)地活下去這就是世界著名的激勵(lì)演講家約翰·庫(kù)緹斯。

1970年出生 ,澳大利亞人 , 出生時(shí)，僅有礦泉水瓶那么大，他的脊椎下部沒(méi)有發(fā)育，兩條腿細(xì)得像豆芽，根本沒(méi)有成型，既無(wú)法行走，也無(wú)法安裝假肢。17歲時(shí)接受截肢手術(shù)，29歲時(shí)罹患癌癥，一個(gè)出生時(shí)被醫(yī)生斷言活不過(guò)當(dāng)天的殘疾人一直頑強(qiáng)生活

他從十二歲起就開(kāi)始打室內(nèi)板球。同時(shí)，他還是一位優(yōu)秀的舉重運(yùn)動(dòng)員和輪椅橄欖球運(yùn)動(dòng)員。 1994年約翰·

庫(kù)緹斯成為了澳大利亞殘疾人網(wǎng)球賽的冠軍，并作為澳大利亞的板球隊(duì)的一員被邀請(qǐng)去南非旅行，有幸受到了南非總統(tǒng)納爾遜·曼德拉的接見(jiàn)。

2000年，約翰拿到來(lái)自澳大利亞體育機(jī)構(gòu)的獎(jiǎng)學(xué)金時(shí)，從競(jìng)技體育中退役，為悉尼2000 paralympic訓(xùn)練，并在全國(guó)健康舉重比賽中排名第二。離開(kāi)賽場(chǎng)后，約翰在4個(gè)主要的體育機(jī)構(gòu)：板球、橄欖球聯(lián)盟、足球和橄欖球協(xié)會(huì)都取得了2級(jí)教練證書(shū)。他還能潛水，甚至還考了駕照。

34歲的約翰已經(jīng)成為了世界級(jí)“激勵(lì)大師”。從26歲到現(xiàn)在8年的時(shí)間里，他到過(guò)190多個(gè)國(guó)家演講，世界各地有350,000個(gè)人的企業(yè)及社團(tuán)聽(tīng)過(guò)約翰·庫(kù)緹斯的演講。他一直在用自己的親身經(jīng)歷去激勵(lì)和感動(dòng)別人。他的演講雄偉壯麗，震撼人心，每到一處都掀起淚海與熱潮。

約翰·庫(kù)緹斯中國(guó)100場(chǎng)巡回慈善演講，已經(jīng)在北京、長(zhǎng)春、烏魯木齊、杭州、上海、廣州、深圳、重慶、濟(jì)南、青島、煙臺(tái)、威海、東營(yíng)等城市成功舉辦，約有10萬(wàn)人參加了他的激勵(lì)演講會(huì)，聆聽(tīng)他激勵(lì)演講人，無(wú)不為這個(gè)只有上半身的澳大利亞人落淚喝彩。 天生殘疾卻沒(méi)有被擊倒的“巨人”

天生的殘疾注定約翰·庫(kù)緹斯從小要經(jīng)受很多常人難以想像磨難。9歲的時(shí)候，約翰·庫(kù)緹斯上學(xué)了，但他被同學(xué)當(dāng)成了“怪物”，受盡了嘲笑和惡意的捉弄。他天生倔強(qiáng)，雖然肢體殘疾，但仍堅(jiān)持到一所健康孩子的小學(xué)里讀書(shū)，但那時(shí)調(diào)皮的孩子把約翰當(dāng)成怪物，經(jīng)常追得他亂跑。9歲的一天，淘氣的學(xué)生竟然把他綁起來(lái)，用膠布封上嘴，扔到垃圾桶里，然后點(diǎn)上火,差點(diǎn)被活活燒死。一股濃煙彌漫開(kāi)來(lái)，周圍都是垃圾燒著的聲音，約翰拼命扭動(dòng)才幸免遇難。他曾被人吊在轉(zhuǎn)動(dòng)的風(fēng)扇下；他的同學(xué)還惡作劇地在他要走的路上撒滿圖釘，使他雙手鮮血淋漓

15歲那年，他去參加考試，為了答題姿勢(shì)舒服一些，他把兩條腿“像青蛙一樣”蹺在后邊，可是等考完出來(lái)后才發(fā)現(xiàn)，兩條毫無(wú)知覺(jué)的腿上被同學(xué)用鉛筆刀割出了一道道血口子，上面還插著針、鉛筆，三個(gè)腳指頭被割斷，15歲的約翰黯然爬開(kāi)，身后留下了一條血路。 1000次摔倒，可以1001次地站起來(lái)

約翰·庫(kù)緹斯以超人的毅力生活、學(xué)習(xí)，一次次地挑戰(zhàn)自己，他對(duì)自己說(shuō)：“沒(méi)有什么不可能！”約翰·庫(kù)緹斯問(wèn)現(xiàn)場(chǎng)聽(tīng)眾：“你們?cè)?jīng)制定過(guò)自己的人生目標(biāo)嗎？”大部分的人舉起了手。他又問(wèn)：“你們都將目標(biāo)寫(xiě)下來(lái)了嗎？”只有一半的人還舉著手。約翰·庫(kù)緹斯揮了揮大手，堅(jiān)定地說(shuō)：“把你的目標(biāo)寫(xiě)下來(lái)，然后去努力實(shí)現(xiàn)它。不要怕失敗。100次摔倒，可以101次地站起來(lái)；1000次摔倒，可以1001次地站起來(lái)，摔倒多少次沒(méi)關(guān)系，重要的是，你能站起來(lái)多少次。別人對(duì)我說(shuō)，約翰，你什么都不做也沒(méi)關(guān)系，你整天在家里不做任何事都可以，沒(méi)有人會(huì)責(zé)怪你。但我說(shuō)，我不可以。懶惰不是我的強(qiáng)項(xiàng)，我必須發(fā)揮我的優(yōu)勢(shì)?！?別抱怨你的鞋子，跟我換換行嗎

正常人總把現(xiàn)有的一切想得理所當(dāng)然，不珍惜手中所有，卻追逐自己所無(wú)的。有很多人也許會(huì)抱怨自己的頭發(fā)顏色、長(zhǎng)短、發(fā)質(zhì)，約翰說(shuō)，到癌癥病房看看你就會(huì)打掉自己的'念頭，

幾年前的癌癥經(jīng)歷讓約翰經(jīng)歷了化療，也看夠了化療之后頭發(fā)完全脫落的情景?！坝肋h(yuǎn)別抱怨，”約翰對(duì)大家說(shuō)。

作為國(guó)際著名的演講大師，約翰已經(jīng)有了上千場(chǎng)的國(guó)際演講經(jīng)歷，他顯然非常善于調(diào)動(dòng)觀眾的情緒?！坝卸嗌偃瞬幌矚g自己的鞋子，請(qǐng)舉手。”他問(wèn)道，當(dāng)看到齊刷刷舉起了一堆手臂，約翰的眼神變得銳利起來(lái)，音調(diào)變得更加宏亮，他取出一雙骯臟的橡膠手套，高高舉過(guò)頭頂：“這就是我的鞋子，這就是我的鞋子。有誰(shuí)愿意和我換換？即使我擁有全世界的財(cái)富，也會(huì)愿意和你換?，F(xiàn)在還有誰(shuí)抱怨自己的鞋子？”約翰用力地將“鞋子”扔到了角落，像是扔掉一個(gè)世界。

一個(gè)人必須勇于面對(duì)，勇于嘗試，如果贏了，則贏了，如果輸了，就是輸了。不管怎樣都好過(guò)，你一屁股坐在家里面，將一事無(wú)成！

“我每天的目標(biāo)是盡力做到最好。如果我每天能激勵(lì)哪怕一個(gè)人盡力做到最好、熱愛(ài)自己的生活而且喜歡自己的身份、接受并迎接前面的挑戰(zhàn)同時(shí)相信自己、昂首挺胸，那么這就是美好的一天。

這個(gè)沒(méi)有受過(guò)任何公眾演講訓(xùn)練的家伙——約翰·庫(kù)緹斯，天生擁有著演講家的風(fēng)采，他在演講臺(tái)上，用手踱來(lái)踱去，威武得像一頭雄獅！并且，他明白真正的演講，就是忠實(shí)于內(nèi)心真實(shí)的表白，源于內(nèi)心真正的愛(ài)。

約翰·庫(kù)緹斯無(wú)視艱苦阻難，積極人生也給他帶來(lái)了很多幸福，使他的生活極近完美。他有溫柔漂亮的妻子，有一個(gè)可愛(ài)的兒子，長(zhǎng)得有點(diǎn)像哈利·波特，但這個(gè)可愛(ài)的孩子竟然也是重病纏身———大腦發(fā)育不佳引起了肌肉萎縮，左半身生長(zhǎng)不良，他患有自閉癥，大腦中間還有一個(gè)洞。約翰·庫(kù)緹斯每次演講，他的妻子總會(huì)推著坐在輪椅上的兒子走上了演講臺(tái)，他們?nèi)齻€(gè)親吻在一起，那暖暖的愛(ài)意感動(dòng)了所有人，聽(tīng)眾們滿含淚水，用熱烈的掌聲表達(dá)了對(duì)這一家人的美好祝福。

庫(kù)緹斯語(yǔ)錄 :

■每個(gè)人都有殘疾，我很幸運(yùn)，因?yàn)槟銈兛梢钥吹轿业臍埣玻悄銈兊臍埣苍谀睦锬兀?■父親教給我，你要?jiǎng)e人如何對(duì)待你，首先你要如何對(duì)待別人，我每天都遵守這一準(zhǔn)則。

■把自己的焦點(diǎn)關(guān)注到美好一面，不要去笑話別人，先笑話自己。

■你覺(jué)得今天很糟糕，但這一天沒(méi)有了怎么辦？沒(méi)有什么不可能，千萬(wàn)不要對(duì)自己說(shuō)不可能。

■只要有堅(jiān)強(qiáng)的斗志，生命中沒(méi)有什么不可能。

他沒(méi)有雙腿，卻能潛水；他沒(méi)有雙腿，卻能駕駛汽車；他沒(méi)有雙腿，卻能成為運(yùn)動(dòng)場(chǎng)上的冠軍；他沒(méi)有雙腿又得了癌癥，卻能環(huán)游世界四處演講；他時(shí)時(shí)刻刻面對(duì)著死亡，卻能擁有最完美的愛(ài)與生活…

約翰·庫(kù)緹斯的人生是一個(gè)典型的不斷粉碎自身障礙的傳奇，他所經(jīng)歷的逆境與成功，令我們驚嘆、震撼，對(duì)每個(gè)人來(lái)說(shuō)，都是巨大的感召。

朋友們，讓我們跟隨庫(kù)緹斯勇敢的心靈，喚醒沉睡的斗志，與內(nèi)心的魔鬼對(duì)抗，進(jìn)一步向自己挑戰(zhàn)，鼓足勇氣做我們自己！讓我們以超強(qiáng)的自信心，迸發(fā)生命的激情與動(dòng)力，克服生命的恐懼，快樂(lè)的享受生活， 別對(duì)自己說(shuō)“不可能” ！因?yàn)槲覀兛梢愿淖兠\(yùn)從現(xiàn)在開(kāi)始！能吃苦，苦一時(shí)；怕吃苦，苦一生,讓我們伴隨 “激情超越”的勁風(fēng)，激情奮飛，實(shí)現(xiàn)夢(mèng)想！

第8篇 約翰·羅伯茨經(jīng)典演講稿

約翰·羅伯茨經(jīng)典演講稿

人們說(shuō)，雨就像天堂灑下的五彩紙屑。所以今早，連天堂也在和我們一起慶祝這個(gè)美妙的畢業(yè)典禮。

在我繼續(xù)下去之前，畢業(yè)生們，你們有一個(gè)重要任務(wù)要做。在你們身后是你們的父母和家長(zhǎng)。

兩年、三年或四年前，他們驅(qū)車送你們來(lái)到卡迪根山中學(xué)，幫你們安頓妥當(dāng)，然后又開(kāi)車離去。他們做出了很大的犧牲。他們一路含淚回到那更加空蕩蕩、更加寂寞的家。

他們這樣做，因?yàn)檫@個(gè)關(guān)于教育的決定，實(shí)際上，更是關(guān)于你們本身。是他們做出的犧牲，以及各種奉獻(xiàn)，成就了你們的今天。但今天早上你們不是唯一的主角，今天也是他們的大日子，所以，我希望大家能起立、轉(zhuǎn)身，為自己的家人送上熱烈鼓掌。

好了，現(xiàn)在如果有人問(wèn)我卡迪根的演講進(jìn)行得怎么樣，我就可以說(shuō)，掌聲如雷，把演講都打斷了。

祝賀你們，2017屆畢業(yè)生。你們來(lái)到了一個(gè)重要的里程碑，人生中的一個(gè)重要階段已經(jīng)過(guò)去。但很抱歉，我要告訴你們，這是你們?nèi)松凶詈?jiǎn)單的一個(gè)階段，但它已告一段落。你們就讀于卡迪根山中學(xué)時(shí)，同時(shí)也成為了國(guó)際社會(huì)中的一員，我覺(jué)得大家尤其應(yīng)當(dāng)認(rèn)識(shí)到這一點(diǎn)。

今天，在全國(guó)各地的大學(xué)、高中、初中，有很多的畢業(yè)演講者正站在一群躁動(dòng)不安的畢業(yè)生面前，他們講的話大同小異。他們會(huì)說(shuō)，今天是一個(gè)嶄新開(kāi)端的提前演練，“這是一個(gè)開(kāi)始，而不是結(jié)束。你們應(yīng)當(dāng)向前看?！?/p>

他們說(shuō)的很對(duì)，然而，我覺(jué)得如果你要向前看，找到自己的方向，那么清楚自己走過(guò)的路，回頭看看，也同樣有益。

我想，如果你們回顧自己來(lái)到卡迪根第一天的那個(gè)午后，你們也許會(huì)記起自己當(dāng)時(shí)有多孤獨(dú)，也許還有些害怕、忐忑不安。然而看看現(xiàn)在的`你們，身邊滿是朋友，彼此成為兄弟，信心滿滿地迎接下一教育階段。

想一想，為什么會(huì)有這樣的變化，這是很有意義的。我想你們也許會(huì)感謝同學(xué)們?cè)谡n堂上、運(yùn)動(dòng)場(chǎng)上、宿舍里給予的幫助。而信心是哪里來(lái)的呢，也許你們要感激的不僅是自己的成功，還要感激因?yàn)榕笥训南嘀?，你們不再害怕失敗?/p>

如果失敗了，你們爬起來(lái)重新來(lái)過(guò)。如果再次失敗，你們爬起來(lái)再來(lái)一次。如果這次還是失敗了，也許是時(shí)候想想做點(diǎn)別的事了。但并不僅僅是成功，還有不懼失敗的勇氣讓你們走到了今天。

現(xiàn)在，畢業(yè)典禮的演講嘉賓照例要祝你們好運(yùn)并送上祝福了。我不會(huì)這樣做，讓我來(lái)告訴你為什么。

我希望在未來(lái)歲月中，你能時(shí)不時(shí)地遭遇不公，唯有如此，你才能懂得公正的價(jià)值。

我希望你嘗到背叛的滋味，這樣你才能領(lǐng)悟到忠誠(chéng)之重要。

抱歉，我還希望你們時(shí)常感到孤獨(dú)，唯有如此，你才不會(huì)視朋友為理所當(dāng)然。

我祝你們偶爾運(yùn)氣不佳，這樣你才會(huì)意識(shí)到機(jī)遇在人生中扮演的角色，從而明白你的成功并非天經(jīng)地義，而他人的失敗也不是命中注定。

當(dāng)你偶爾失敗時(shí)，我愿你的對(duì)手時(shí)不時(shí)地會(huì)幸災(zāi)樂(lè)禍。這樣你才能懂得互相尊重的競(jìng)技精神的重要。

我希望你常被人無(wú)視，唯有如此，你才能懂得傾聽(tīng)他人有多重要。也祝你感受切膚之痛，從而學(xué)會(huì)同情。

無(wú)論我祝愿與否，這些事都會(huì)發(fā)生。而你能否從中獲益，則取決于你能否參透這些苦難中傳遞的信息。

畢業(yè)典禮演講嘉賓還要給出一些忠告。他們會(huì)說(shuō)一些宏大的建議或?qū)嵱玫募记?。而他們最常說(shuō)的宏大建議就是，做自己。給一群穿著整齊劃一的人提出這樣的建議有點(diǎn)奇怪，不過(guò)你們確實(shí)應(yīng)該做自己。但你們要明白這句話的真正含義。

除非你完美無(wú)瑕，那么這句話絕不意味著不去改變自己。從某種意義上來(lái)說(shuō)，你不應(yīng)當(dāng)做自己。你應(yīng)當(dāng)努力成為更好的人。人們說(shuō)“做自己”，因?yàn)樗麄兿Ｍ悴灰谒说囊庠鸽S波逐流。但如果你自己都不了解自己，那么你就無(wú)法“做自己”，而你只有思考了，才能清楚自己想成為怎樣的人。

古希臘哲學(xué)家蘇格拉底曾說(shuō)過(guò)，“未經(jīng)自省的人生沒(méi)有意義”。對(duì)某些事來(lái)說(shuō)，“放膽去做”也許是句金玉良言，但當(dāng)你在思考未來(lái)人生將如何度過(guò)時(shí)，這卻不是一句好的格言。不要為了所謂的“好生活”而生活。如果你從來(lái)不思索生活的意義，那你很容易就會(huì)迷失自我。

以上是一些深刻的忠告。接下來(lái)的建議是給即將步入新學(xué)校的你們。過(guò)去幾年里，我已經(jīng)熟識(shí)你們當(dāng)中很多年輕人，也知道你們都是好青年。但你們也是享有特權(quán)的一群年輕人。即使初來(lái)此地之時(shí)你們并不優(yōu)人一等，但成為這里的一員，已經(jīng)使你們比他人享有更多優(yōu)勢(shì)。我的建議是，不要表現(xiàn)得高人一等。

當(dāng)你來(lái)到新學(xué)校時(shí)，見(jiàn)到那些掃落葉、鏟雪、倒垃圾的人，便走上前自我介紹，同時(shí)記住他們名字。在學(xué)校的日子里，記得稱呼他們的名字。另外一條建議是：當(dāng)你在路上遇見(jiàn)陌生人時(shí)，看著他們眼睛并微笑致意。這樣做最糟糕的結(jié)果不過(guò)是，人們會(huì)記住你這個(gè)愛(ài)笑愛(ài)打招呼的年輕人，這是個(gè)不錯(cuò)的開(kāi)頭。你們之前在的學(xué)校里只有男孩，現(xiàn)在大多數(shù)人都將進(jìn)入有女生的學(xué)校。關(guān)于這件事，我沒(méi)有建議。

最后一條建議十分簡(jiǎn)單，但是卻會(huì)對(duì)你的人生產(chǎn)生很大的影響：每周給一些人寫(xiě)一封信。不是電子郵件，而是寫(xiě)在一張紙上，只要花你10分鐘。問(wèn)一位長(zhǎng)輩，讓他告訴你郵票是什么，然后你就可以給信封貼郵票了。再說(shuō)一遍，一周只花10分鐘哦。

我現(xiàn)在就可以教你怎樣做。我告訴你第一張便條寫(xiě)什么。稱呼是“親愛(ài)的卡迪根山中學(xué)某老師”，然后寫(xiě)“我們已經(jīng)開(kāi)始了新學(xué)期，最近正在學(xué)某本書(shū)，足球?qū)ξ襾?lái)說(shuō)很困難，但我很喜歡。謝謝您的教誨。”

然后把你的便條裝進(jìn)信封，貼好郵票后寄出。這對(duì)那些把生命奉獻(xiàn)給教育初中小男孩的中學(xué)老師們來(lái)講意義非凡。如我所說(shuō)，每周只需要花十分鐘。當(dāng)學(xué)年結(jié)束時(shí)，你差不多給40位老師寄出過(guò)便條。這40位老師會(huì)因?yàn)槟阕龅倪@件事而感到自己很特殊，同時(shí)也會(huì)對(duì)你另眼相看。在學(xué)校的時(shí)光里，這是你一人獨(dú)享的一份紅利。

忠告說(shuō)得夠多了。下面我將引用一段著名的歌詞結(jié)束我的致辭。剛才，我引用了希臘哲人蘇格拉底的名言，而這些歌詞，則來(lái)自偉大的美國(guó)哲人鮑勃·迪倫。這些歌詞已有50年歷史，是迪倫巡回演出期間，思子心切，寫(xiě)給兒子杰西的。歌詞表達(dá)了家長(zhǎng)對(duì)子女的美好期盼。同時(shí)也可作為子女們的奮斗目標(biāo)。這些期盼是美好的、永恒的，也是普世的。

may god bless and keep you always,

愿上帝的庇護(hù)與你同在

may your wishes all come true,

愿你能夠夢(mèng)想成真

may you always do for others

愿你永遠(yuǎn)幫助別人

and let others do for you.

也接受別人的恩惠

may you build a ladder to the stars

愿你可以造一把采摘繁星的云梯

and climb on every rung,

穩(wěn)妥沿它而上

may you stay forever young,

愿你永遠(yuǎn)年輕

forever young, forever young,

永遠(yuǎn)年輕，永遠(yuǎn)年輕

may you stay forever young.

愿你永遠(yuǎn)年輕

may you grow up to be righteous,

愿你長(zhǎng)大后正直無(wú)私

may you grow up to be true,

愿你懂事時(shí)真實(shí)善良

may you always know the truth

愿你永遠(yuǎn)了解真理的方向

and see the lights surrounding you.

所到之處都有高燈明照

may you always be courageous,

愿你永遠(yuǎn)勇敢無(wú)畏

stand upright and be strong,

堅(jiān)韌不拔，意志堅(jiān)強(qiáng)

ay you stay forever young,

愿你永遠(yuǎn)年輕

forever young, forever young,

永遠(yuǎn)年輕，永遠(yuǎn)年輕

may you stay forever young.

愿你永遠(yuǎn)年輕

may your hands always be busy,

愿你總是忙碌充實(shí)

may your feet always be swift,

愿你的腳步永遠(yuǎn)輕盈敏捷

may you have a strong foundation

愿你有一個(gè)堅(jiān)強(qiáng)的信念，屹立不倒

when the winds of changes shift.

當(dāng)暴風(fēng)驟雨來(lái)臨時(shí)

may your heart always be joyful,

愿你的心總是充滿快樂(lè)

may your song always be sung,

愿你的歌曲能夠永遠(yuǎn)被人傳唱

may you stay forever young,

愿你永遠(yuǎn)年輕

forever young, forever young,

永遠(yuǎn)年輕，永遠(yuǎn)年輕

may you stay forever young.

愿你永遠(yuǎn)年輕

整體來(lái)說(shuō)都很好，除了有一條，即歌名和副歌里表達(dá)的愿望。那只能算是家長(zhǎng)們的扼腕嘆息，算不得美好的愿望。