自由演講稿子(15篇)

第1篇 自由平等演講稿格式范文

演講稿網(wǎng)權(quán)威發(fā)布自由平等演講稿格式范文，更多自由平等演講稿格式范文相關(guān)信息請(qǐng)?jiān)L問(wèn)酷貓寫作范文網(wǎng)演講稿頻道。

尊敬的老師，親愛(ài)的同學(xué)們：

大家好！

如今的社會(huì)在追求平等，過(guò)去的社會(huì)也在追求平等，好像從古代到今天，從外國(guó)到中國(guó)，每個(gè)社會(huì)都在追求平等。而平等又像個(gè)太陽(yáng)讓我們看到光明頂希望，卻永遠(yuǎn)觸及不到。

從中華人民共和國(guó)國(guó)成立的那一天，就在追求男女平等，而今呢？真的真正上的平等了嗎？那就不會(huì)聽(tīng)到丟棄的女?huà)朐趪?yán)寒中哭泣?！澳信降取彼膫€(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的字，卻可拯救無(wú)數(shù)條女?huà)氲纳?。如果現(xiàn)在社會(huì)上真正男女平等了，那就說(shuō)明人們的思想已經(jīng)被重新更換，就像樹(shù)一樣，既然長(zhǎng)滿了蛀蟲(chóng)，就應(yīng)該連根拔起，重新栽種上新的樹(shù)苗，并根深蒂固?？墒?，更換思想怎么會(huì)那么容易呢？人們的思想已被一代代的封建思想侵蝕了。所以我們新的一代，不被腐化的一代要拯救那一個(gè)個(gè)幼小的生靈。高舉“男女平等”的旗幟，就算永遠(yuǎn)追不上，也要像愚公移山一樣持之以恒，因?yàn)槲覀円非笃降取?/p>

人從生下來(lái)就是平等的，不管你是出生在貧困家庭還是富裕家庭，一樣擁有相同的中華人民共和國(guó)國(guó)的平等____，承擔(dān)著相同的法律責(zé)任和道德義務(wù)?？墒强傆杏幸恍┤瞬贿@樣認(rèn)為，他們憑借著自己錢多權(quán)大，就我行我素，好像世界上他們就是主宰，貧窮的人就應(yīng)該為他們服務(wù)，就應(yīng)該做他們的奴隸。這就違背了我們所追求的平等。不管你財(cái)多物富與否，不管你位高權(quán)重與否，身為公民都應(yīng)該享有同樣的權(quán)利，承擔(dān)相同的義務(wù)。這不僅?_曳傷娑ǎ?a href='sxksjs.cn/hotnews/gerenjianli.html' target='_blank' title='個(gè)人簡(jiǎn)歷'>個(gè)人簡(jiǎn)歷也應(yīng)該是每個(gè)懂得平等的人所追求的。上帝讓我們來(lái)到這五彩繽紛的世間時(shí)，就賦予了我們相同的權(quán)利，給了我們親情、友情、健康、快樂(lè)——但同時(shí)也讓我們承擔(dān)了相同的義務(wù)，那就是共同創(chuàng)建一個(gè)和諧、美好、平等的社會(huì)。

時(shí)常聽(tīng)到有人抱怨說(shuō)：“上天太不公平了，為什么所有的不幸都讓我碰上了？”事實(shí)上，上天對(duì)每個(gè)人都是公平的，只是因?yàn)樯鐣?huì)上的各種因素而導(dǎo)致讓你覺(jué)得上天的不公。而恰恰相反，上天讓你在磨練中成長(zhǎng)了一些，明白了一些人情世故。所以我們不要埋怨上天，只是人類永遠(yuǎn)的貪婪和無(wú)窮的欲望，讓我們看到了社會(huì)中的不平等。而我們要做的只有擺在自己的心態(tài)，平等對(duì)待生活，平等對(duì)待每一個(gè)生命，也許他們同你有一樣的遭遇。

第2篇 發(fā)現(xiàn)優(yōu)勢(shì)，自由生長(zhǎng)演講稿

發(fā)現(xiàn)優(yōu)勢(shì)，自由生長(zhǎng)——在蘄春實(shí)驗(yàn)學(xué)校的演講稿 蘄春是李時(shí)珍的故鄉(xiāng)。李時(shí)珍也是讀書(shū)人，考中秀才之后，接連幾次去武昌考舉人，都沒(méi)有考中，于是干脆放棄，開(kāi)始行醫(yī)，因?yàn)獒t(yī)術(shù)高明，所以當(dāng)了太醫(yī)。但他當(dāng)了一段時(shí)間后，回到了民間，讀萬(wàn)卷書(shū)，行萬(wàn)里路，撰寫了190萬(wàn)字的《本草綱目》，為中國(guó)醫(yī)藥做出了偉大的貢獻(xiàn)。

這也說(shuō)明，人才的發(fā)展，并非只有一條路，走最適合自己的道路，才是最明智的。在李時(shí)珍的時(shí)代，讀書(shū)人的出路，不外乎三種，做官、行醫(yī)、教書(shū)。而在我們的時(shí)代，出路卻空前的廣泛，尤其是我們互聯(lián)網(wǎng)時(shí)代，人選擇職業(yè)越來(lái)越自由，也就更容易找到自己愛(ài)做的事，得到自我價(jià)值的實(shí)現(xiàn)。

這就是我今天演講的主題：別樣的青春期，發(fā)現(xiàn)優(yōu)勢(shì)，自由生長(zhǎng)。

就在上周五，一個(gè)同事來(lái)找我。他四十歲，中科院博士，材料學(xué)教授。材料學(xué)，大家聽(tīng)了，是不是有點(diǎn)不明覺(jué)厲啊？我對(duì)他的專業(yè)也肅然起敬。可就是這個(gè)年富力強(qiáng)、前途無(wú)量的大教授，卻告訴我，他其實(shí)不喜歡材料學(xué)，而是喜歡寫詩(shī)，寫小說(shuō)。我覺(jué)得好奇怪，那你為什么學(xué)材料呢？他說(shuō)，讀中學(xué)時(shí)，大家都說(shuō)，工科有出息，有前途，所以他明明喜歡文科，但卻沒(méi)勇氣去學(xué)，而是選了理科。然后呢，人在江湖，身不由己。他本科學(xué)了物理，碩士讀了物理化學(xué)，博士讀了材料學(xué)，他一直從事這一行的研究，而把心愛(ài)的文學(xué)擱置了二十年。他現(xiàn)在工作穩(wěn)定，但總覺(jué)得沒(méi)勁，每天干的事情，只不過(guò)為了生存，而不是他真正熱愛(ài)的。于是，在五年前，他開(kāi)始寫作，到現(xiàn)在，已經(jīng)完成了兩部長(zhǎng)篇小說(shuō)，上百首詩(shī)。我讀了以后，覺(jué)得都還不錯(cuò)，但是因?yàn)闆](méi)有專業(yè)訓(xùn)練，所以不太能發(fā)表。而他已經(jīng)四十歲了，而且陷入了兩難境界：原來(lái)的工作不喜歡，但又舍不得放棄，不放棄，又沒(méi)時(shí)間訓(xùn)練寫作，所以兩頭不討好。當(dāng)他得知我本科學(xué)的是生物學(xué)，研究生讀的是文學(xué)，就嘆息說(shuō)：“為什么在很年輕的時(shí)候，不勇敢一點(diǎn)，選擇自己喜歡的專業(yè)呢？”

世間之事就是這樣。等你明白路怎么走的時(shí)候，往往已無(wú)路可走。所以，在人生的關(guān)鍵時(shí)刻，需要當(dāng)頭棒喝。這個(gè)來(lái)棒喝的人，可以是自己，可以是別人，也可以是命運(yùn)。但大多數(shù)人沒(méi)有這個(gè)自省能力，等命運(yùn)敲響警鐘，又往往為時(shí)過(guò)晚。所以，我今天站在這個(gè)，給大家一聲棒喝。

這次講座四十五分鐘，剛好一節(jié)課的時(shí)間，希望我們一起快樂(lè)地度過(guò)這難得的時(shí)光。

第3篇 加拿大自由黨領(lǐng)袖賈斯廷·特魯多獲勝英語(yǔ)演講稿

sunny ways, my friends, sunny ways. this is whatpositive politics can do. this is what a causative,hopeful – a hopeful vision and a platform and ateam together can make happen. canadians –canadians from all across this great country sent aclear message tonight. it's time for a change in thiscountry, my friends, a real change.

i also want to specifically thank my good friendskatie telford and gerald butts. katie and gerry aretwo of the smartest, toughest, hardest workingpeople you will find anywhere. they share with me the conviction that politics doesn't have tobe negative and personal to be successful, that – that you can appeal to the better angels ofour nature, and you can win while doing it.

tonight, my very good friends, we proved that. i hope it is an inspiration to like-mindedpeople to step up and pitch in, to get involved in the public life of this country and to knowthat a positive, optimistic, hopeful vision of public life isn't a naive dream; it can be apowerful force for change.

and i also want to thank the incredible volunteers that made tonight happen. over 80,000canadians got involved in the core of this campaign. they knocked on their neighbours' doors.they made phone calls. they sent emails. hundreds of thousands more supported us activelywith their friends and online. they convinced their neighbours and their families. and all ofthese people had one thing in common: they care deeply about their families, theircommunities and their country. they believe that better is possible and that active citizens canplay a real part in making it happen.

now, this movement we've built was fuelled by these amazing volunteers, and from thebottom of my heart, i thank you.

now, i want to take a moment to speak about my colleagues across the aisle. tonight, ireceived phone calls from all of them, including from mr. harper. stephen harper has servedthis country for a decade, and as with anyone who has devoted their life to this country, wethank him for his service.

now, over the course of this campaign, i had the opportunity to have a couple of briefpersonal conversations with him about our families. it reminded me of the e_traordinary andunique sacrifices that are made by anybody who serves this country at the highest levels, and iwant to remind everyone, as i've said many times over the course of this campaign:conservatives are not our enemies, they're our neighbours. leadership is about bringing peopleof all different perspectives together.

now, you're all going to hear a lot tonight and tomorrow about me and about our campaign.lots of people are going to have lots of opinions about why we were successful. well, for threeyears, we had a very old-fashioned strategy. we met with and talked with as many canadiansas we could, and we listened. we won this election because we listened. we did the hard workof slogging it across the country. we met with hundreds of people in the dead of winter in thearctic and with thousands of people in brampton in the middle of this campaign.

you built this platform. you built this movement. you told us what you need to be successful.you told us what kind of government you want, and we built the plan to make it happen. incoffee shops and in town halls, in church basements and in gurdwaras, you gathered. you spenttime together with us, and you told us about the kind of country you want to build and leave toyour children.

over the past three years, you told us what you're going through. you told us that it's gettingharder and harder to make ends meet, let alone to get ahead. you told us you're worried aboutwhether you'll be able to afford a dignified retirement. you told us that your communities needinvestment. you told us you need a fair shot at better jobs. you are the inspiration for ourefforts. you are the reason why we worked so hard to be here tonight, and you will be at theheart of this new government.

so my message to you tonight, my fellow citizens, is simple: have faith in yourselves and inyour country, know that we can make anything happen if we set our minds to it and work hard.

i didn't make history tonight, you did. and don't let anyone tell you any differently. i know thati am on stage tonight for one reason and one reason only: because you put me here. and yougave me clear marching orders. you want a government that works as hard as you do, one thatis focused every minute of every day on growing the economy, creating jobs and strengtheningthe middle class, one that is devoted to helping less fortunate canadian families work theirway into the middle class.

you want a prime minister who knows canada is a country strong, not in spite of ourdifferences, but because of them, a pm who never seeks to divide canadians, but takes everysingle opportunity to bring us together. you want a prime minister who knows that ifcanadians are to trust their government, their government needs to trust canadians, a pm whounderstands that openness and transparency means better, smarter decisions. you want aprime minister that knows that a renewed nation-to-nation relationship with indigenouspeoples that respects rights and honours treaties must be the basis for how we work to closethe gap and walk forward together.

canadians – canadians have spoken. you want a government with a vision and an agenda forthis country that is positive and ambitious and hopeful. well, my friends, i promise youtonight that i will lead that government. i will make that vision a reality. i will be that primeminister.

in this election, 1,792 canadians stepped up, put their names on ballots and on lawn signsand ran for office. three hundred and thirty-eight of them were chosen by you to be their voicesin ottawa, and i pledge tonight that i will listen to all of them.

there are a thousand stories i could share with you about this remarkable campaign, but iwant you to think about one in particular. last week, i met a young mom in st. catharines,ontario. she practises the muslim faith and was wearing a hijab. she made her way through thecrowd and handed me her infant daughter, and as she leaned forward, she said something thati will never forget. she said she's voting for us because she wants to make sure that her littlegirl has the right to make her own choices in life and that our government will protect thoserights.

to her, i say this: you and your fellow citizens have chosen a new government, a governmentthat believes deeply in the diversity of our country. we know in our bones that canada wasbuilt by people from all corners of the world who worship every faith, who belong to everyculture, who speak every language.

we believe in our hearts that this country's unique diversity is a blessing bestowed upon usby previous generations of canadians, canadians who stared down prejudice and foughtdiscrimination in all its forms. we know that our enviable, inclusive society didn't happen byaccident and won't continue without effort. i have always known this; canadians know it too. ifnot, i might have spoken earlier this evening and given a very different speech.

have faith in your fellow citizens, my friends. they are kind and generous. they are open-minded and optimistic. and they know in their heart of hearts that a canadian is a canadian,is a canadian.

my friends, we beat fear with hope. we beat cynicism with hard work. we beat negative,divisive politics with a positive vision that brings canadians together. most of all, we defeatedthe idea that canadians should be satisfied with less, that good enough is good enough andthat better just isn't possible. well, my friends, this is canada, and in canada, better is alwayspossible.

thank you. thank you very much.

第4篇 自由演講稿

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: 'we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge.'

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

羅斯福英語(yǔ)演講稿：四項(xiàng)自由

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: 'we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge.'

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

勞動(dòng)節(jié)升旗演講稿：為自由奮斗 為勞動(dòng)喝彩

5月1日是國(guó)際勞動(dòng)節(jié)，這是全世界勞動(dòng)人民自己的節(jié)日。今天，我們站在鮮艷的五星紅旗下，應(yīng)該怎樣紀(jì)念和慶祝這一偉大光輝的節(jié)日呢?

1886年的5月1日，美國(guó)的資產(chǎn)階級(jí)政府出動(dòng)大批軍隊(duì)和警察，殘酷地鎮(zhèn)壓了芝加哥工人因要求改善勞動(dòng)條件而進(jìn)行的集會(huì)斗爭(zhēng)。這說(shuō)明，工人階級(jí)不要說(shuō)爭(zhēng)取主人的地位，就是要求改善基本的生活條件也會(huì)遭受到血腥的鎮(zhèn)壓。

把五月一日定為國(guó)際勞動(dòng)節(jié)，就是旨在動(dòng)員并團(tuán)結(jié)全世界無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)及勞動(dòng)人民，為爭(zhēng)取自身的自由、解放，為最終實(shí)現(xiàn)當(dāng)家作主的權(quán)利而不懈斗爭(zhēng)。

我國(guó)的無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)和廣大勞動(dòng)人民在中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，經(jīng)過(guò)艱苦卓絕的斗爭(zhēng)，使當(dāng)家作主的夢(mèng)想變成了現(xiàn)實(shí)，人民成了國(guó)家和社會(huì)的主人，享有廣泛的民主權(quán)利，以主人翁的精神投入到建設(shè)社會(huì)主義的偉大事業(yè)中去。

我們的社會(huì)主義祖國(guó)正呈現(xiàn)出蓬勃生機(jī)，煥發(fā)出旺盛活動(dòng)力，以昂揚(yáng)的姿態(tài)闊步邁向二十一世紀(jì)。

我們——作為跨世紀(jì)的一代建設(shè)者和接班人，將責(zé)無(wú)旁貸地挑起建設(shè)社會(huì)主義現(xiàn)代化強(qiáng)國(guó)的重?fù)?dān)，以主人翁的態(tài)度投入到建設(shè)祖國(guó)的偉大事業(yè)中去。

作為一名中學(xué)生，從小就應(yīng)該樹(shù)立主人翁的意識(shí)，關(guān)心國(guó)家大事，熱愛(ài)自己的家園，樹(shù)立遠(yuǎn)大的志向，把自己的前途同祖國(guó)的命運(yùn)結(jié)合起來(lái)，使自己成為一個(gè)有理想有志氣有抱負(fù)有高尚品質(zhì)的人。我們要培養(yǎng)勞動(dòng)感情，養(yǎng)成勞動(dòng)習(xí)慣，珍惜勞動(dòng)成果，積極參加社會(huì)實(shí)踐活動(dòng)。

當(dāng)然，最重要的還是要努力學(xué)習(xí)科學(xué)文化知識(shí)，扎實(shí)掌握一技之長(zhǎng)，為將來(lái)把我國(guó)建設(shè)繁榮富強(qiáng)打下良好的基礎(chǔ)!

這才是對(duì)“五?一”國(guó)際勞動(dòng)節(jié)最好的的紀(jì)念。

“我要自由”英文演講稿范文模板

i want be free

good afternoon,everyone.today,my topic is “i want to be free.”it’s a story about a wolf and a dog.

a wolf was almost dead with hunger.a house-dog saw him,and asked,”friend,it’s bad for you.”

“why don’t you work steadily as i do,and get your food regularly?” “i would have no objection.”said the wolf,”if i could only get a place.” “i will help you.”said the dog.”come with me to my master,and you shall share me work ”

so the wolf and the dog went to the town together.

on the way ,the wolf saw that there was no hair around the dog’neck. he felt quite surprised,and asked him why it was like that? “oh,it is nothing.”said the dog.”every night my master puts a collar around my neck and chains me up.you will soon get used to it.”

“is that the only reason.”said the wolf.”then good bye to you,my friend.i would like to be free.”

do you like to be free?every.thank you for listening.

第5篇 奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在2022年＂總統(tǒng)自由勛章＂頒發(fā)儀式英語(yǔ)演講稿

the president: good morning! (applause.) good morning,everybody! everybody,please have aseat. have a seat.

well, on behalf of michelle andmyself, welcome to the white house. thisis one of myfavorite events every year, especially special this year, as ilook at this e_traordinary group ofindividuals and our opportunity to honorthem with our nation’s highest civilian honor -- thepresidential medal offreedom.

and this year, it’s just a littlemore special because this marks the 50th anniversary ofpresident kennedyestablishing this award. we’re honored,by the way, today to have with us oneof my favorite people -- ethel kennedy --and a pretty good basketball player, presidentkennedy’s grandson, jack. (applause.)

this medal has been bestowed onmore than 500 deserving people. tonight,i’m lookingforward to joining some of these honorees, as well as members ofthe kennedy family, as we paytribute to these 50 years of e_cellence. and this morning, we’re honored to add 16 newnamesto this distinguished list.

today, we salute fiercecompetitors who became true champions. in the sweltering heat of achicago summer, ernie banks walked into thecubs locker room and didn’t like what he saw. “everybody was sitting around, heads down, depressed,” he recalled. so ernie piped up andsaid, “boy, what agreat day! let’s play two!” (laughter.) that’s “mr. cub” -- a man who cameup through the negro leagues, making$7 a day, and became the first black player to suit up forthe cubs and one ofthe greatest hitters of all time. and inthe process, ernie became known asmuch for his 512 home runs as for his cheerand his optimism and his eternal faith thatsomeday the cubs would go all theway. (laughter.)

and that's serious belief. (laughter.) that is something that even a white so_ fan like mecan respect. (laughter.) but he is just a wonderful man and a great icon of my hometown.

speaking of sports, dean smith isone of the winningest coaches in college basketballhistory, but his successesgo far beyond _s and os. even as he won78 percent of his games, hegraduated 96 percent of his players. the first coach to use multiple defenses in agame, hewas the pioneer who popularized the idea of “pointing to the passer”-- after a basket, playersshould point to the teammate who passed them theball. and with his first national titleon theline, he did have the good sense to give the ball to a 19-year-old kidnamed michael jordan. (laughter.) although they used to joke that the onlyperson who ever held michael under 20 wasdean smith. (laughter.)

while coach smith couldn’t joinus today due to an illness that he’s facing withe_traordinary courage, we alsohonor his courage in helping to change our country -- herecruited the firstblack scholarship athlete to north carolina and helped to integratearestaurant and a neighborhood in chapel hill. that's the kind of character that he representedon and off the court.

we salute innovators who pushedthe limits of science, changing how we see the world --and ourselves. and growing up, sally ride read about thespace program in the newspaperalmost every day, and she thought this was “thecoolest thing around.” when she was aphdcandidate at stanford she saw an ad for astronauts in the student newspaperand she seizedthe opportunity. as thefirst american woman in space, sally didn’t just break thestratospheric glassceiling, she blasted through it. andwhen she came back to earth, shedevoted her life to helping girls e_cel infields like math, science and engineering. “young girlsneed to see role models,” she said, “you can’t be what youcan’t see.” today, our daughters --includingmalia and sasha -- can set their sights a little bit higher because sally rideshowedthem the way.

now, all of us have moments whenwe look back and wonder, “what the heck was ithinking?” i have that -- (laughter) -- quite abit. psychologist daniel kahneman hasmade thatsimple question his life’s work. in a storied career in israel and america, he basically inventedthestudy of human decision-making. he’shelped us to understand everything from behavioraleconomics to “does living incalifornia make people happy?” it’s aninteresting question. he’salso beencalled an e_pert on irrational behavior -- so i'm sure that he could shed somelight onwashington. (laughter.)

but what truly sets daniel apartis his curiosity. guided by his beliefthat people are“endlessly complicated and interesting,” at 79 he’s stilldiscovering new insights into how wethink and learn, not just so we understandeach other, but so we can work and live togethermore effectively.

dr. mario molina’s love of sciencestarted as a young boy in me_ico city, in a homemadelaboratory in a bathroomat home. and that passion for discoveryled mario to become one ofthe most respected chemists of his era. he was awarded the nobel peace prize -- orthe nobelprize, rather, not only for his path-breaking research, but also forhis insistence that when weignore dangerous carbon emissions we riskdestroying the ozone layer and endangering ourplanet. and thanks to mario’s work, the world cametogether to address a common threat, andtoday, inspired by his e_ample, we’reworking to leave our planet safer and cleaner for futuregenerations.

we also have to salute musicians,who bring such joy to our lives. lorettalynn was 19 thefirst time she won the big -- she won big at the localfair. her canned vegetables broughthome17 blue ribbons -- (laughter) -- and made her “canner of the year.”(laughter.) now, that’simpressive. (laughter.)

for a girl from butcher hollow,kentucky, that was fame. fortunately forall of us, shedecided to try her hand at things other than canning. her first guitar cost $17, and with itthiscoal miner’s daughter gave voice to a generation, singing what no one wanted totalk aboutand saying what no one wanted to think about. and now, over 50 years after she cut herfirstrecord -- and canned her first vegetables -- (laughter) -- loretta lynnstill reigns as the rule-breaking, record-setting queen of country music.

as a young man in cuba, arturosandoval loved jazz so much it landed him in jail. it wasthe cold war, and the only radiostation where he could hear jazz was the voice of america,which was dangerousto listen to. but arturo listenedanyway. later, he defected to theunitedstates knowing he might never see his parents or beloved homeland again. “withoutfreedom,” he said, “there is nolife.” and today, arturo is an americancitizen and one of the mostcelebrated trumpet players in the world. “there isn’t any place on earth where thepeopledon’t know about jazz,” he says, and that’s true in part becausemusicians like him havesacrificed so much to play it.

we salute pioneers who pushed ournation towards greater justice and equality. a baptistminister, c.t. vivian was one of dr. martin luther king, jr.’sclosest advisors. “martin taught us,”hesays, “that it’s in the action that we find out who we really are.” and time and again,reverend vivian was amongthe first to be in the action: in 1947,joining a sit-in to integrate anillinois restaurant; one of the first freedomriders; in selma, on the courthouse steps toregister blacks to vote, for whichhe was beaten, bloodied and jailed. rosaparks said of him, “even after things had supposedly been taken care of and wehad our rights, he was still outthere, inspiring the ne_t generation,including me,” helping kids go to college with a programthat would becomeupward bound. and at 89 years old,reverend vivian is still out there, still inthe action, pushing us closer toour founding ideals.

now, early in the morning the dayof the march on washington, the national mall was farfrom full and some in thepress were beginning to wonder if the event would be a failure. butthe march’s chief organizer, bayardrustin, didn’t panic. as the story goes,he looked down at apiece of paper, looked back up, and reassured reportersthat everything was right on schedule.the only thing those reporters didn’t know was that the paper he washolding was blank. (laughter.) he didn’t know how it was going to work out,but bayard had an unshakableoptimism, nerves of steel, and, most importantly,a faith that if the cause is just and people areorganized, nothing can standin our way.

so, for decades, this greatleader, often at dr. king’s side, was denied his rightful place inhistorybecause he was openly gay. no medal canchange that, but today, we honor bayardrustin’s memory by taking our place inhis march towards true equality, no matter who we areor who we love. (applause.)

speaking of game-changers,disrupters, there was a young girl names gloria steinem whoarrived in new yorkto make her mark as a journalist, and magazines only wanted to writearticleslike “how to cook without really cooking for men.” (laughter.) gloria noticed things likethat. (laughter.) she’s been called a “championnoticer.” she’s alert to all the ways,large andsmall, that women had been and, in some cases, continue to be treatedunfairly just becausethey’re women.

as a writer, a speaker, anactivist, she awakened a vast and often skeptical public toproblems likedomestic violence, the lack of affordable child care, unfair hiringpractices. andbecause of her work,across america and around the world, more women are afforded the respectandopportunities that they deserve. but shealso changed how women thought aboutthemselves. and gloria continues to pour her heart intoteaching and mentoring. her one pieceofadvice to young girls is -- i love this -- “do not listen to my advice. listen to the voice insideyou and follow that.”

when patricia wald’s law firmasked if she’d come back after having her first child, she saidshe’d like sometime off to focus on her family -- devoted almost 10 years to raisingfivechildren. but patricia never lost theitch to practice law. so while herhusband watched thekids at home, she’d hit the library on weekends. at the age 40, she went back to thecourtroomto show the “young kids” a thing or two. as the first female judge on the d.c. circuit,patricia was a topcandidate for attorney general. afterleaving the bench, her idea of retirementwas to go to the hague to presideover the trials of war criminals. patricia says she hopesenough women will become judges that “it’s notworth celebrating” anymore. but today,wecelebrate her. and along with gloria,she shows there are all kinds of paths listening to yourown voice.

we salute communicators whoshined a light on stories no one else was telling. a veteran ofworld war ii and more than adozen pacific battles, ben bradlee brought the same intensityand dedication tojournalism. since joining the washingtonpost 65 years ago, he transformedthat newspaper into one of the finest in theworld. with ben in charge, the postpublished thepentagon papers, revealing the true history of america’sinvolvement in vietnam; e_posedwatergate; unleashed a new era of investigativejournalism, holding america’s leadersaccountable and reminding us that ourfreedom as a nation rests on our freedom of the press.when ben retired, senator daniel patrickmoynihan put the admiration of many into a poem: “o rare ben bradlee/his reign has ceased/buthis nation stands/its strength increased.”

and i also indicated to ben hecan pull off those shirts and i can't. (laughter.) he alwayslooks socool in them. (laughter.)

early in oprah winfrey’s career,her bosses told her she should change her name to susie. (laughter.) i have to pause here to say i got the same advice. (laughter and applause.) theydidn't say i should be named “susie,”but they suggested i should change my name. (laughter.)people can relate tosusie, that's what they said. it turnedout, surprisingly, that people couldrelate to oprah just fine.

in more than 4,500 episodes ofher show, her message was always, “you can.” “you can doand you can be and you can grow and it can be better.” and she was living proof, rising fromachildhood of poverty and abuse to the pinnacle of the entertainmentuniverse. but even with40 emmys, thedistinction of being the first black female billionaire, oprah’s greateststrengthhas always been her ability to help us discover the best inourselves. michelle and icountourselves among her many devoted fans and friends. as one of those fans wrote, “i didn’tknow ihad a light in me until oprah told me it was there.” what a great gift.

and, finally, we salute publicservants who’ve strengthened our nation. daniel inouye wasa humble man and didn’t wear his medal of honor veryoften. instead, he liked to wear apinrepresenting the good conduct medal he earned as a teenage private. “to behave yourselftakes special effort,” hesaid, “and i did not want to dishonor my family.” danny always honoredhis family and hiscountry, even when his country didn’t always honor him.

after being classified as an “enemyalien,” danny joined a japanese american unit thatbecame one of the mostdecorated in world war ii. and as thesecond-longest serving senatorin american history, he showed a generation ofyoung people -- including one kid with a funnyname growing up in hawaii whonoticed that there was somebody during some of those hearingsin washingtonthat didn't look like everybody else, which meant maybe i had a chance todosomething important, too. he taught allof us that no matter what you look like or where youcome from, this countryhas a place for everybody who’s willing to serve and work hard.

a proud hoosier, dick lugar hasserved america for more than half a century, from a youngnavy lieutenant to arespected leader in the united states senate. i’ll always be thankful to dickfor taking me -- a new, junior senator-- under his wing, including travels together to reviewsome of his visionarywork, the destruction of cold war arsenals in the former soviet union --something that doesn’t get a lot of publicnotice, but was absolutely critical to making us saferin the wake of the coldwar.

now, i should say, traveling withdick you get close to une_ploded landmines, mortar shells,test tubes filledwith anthra_ and the plague. (laughter.) his legacy, though, is the thousandsofmissiles and bombers and submarines and warheads that no longer threaten usbecause of hise_traordinary work. andour nation and our world are safer because of this statesman. and in atime ofunrelenting partisanship, dick lugar’s decency, his commitment tobipartisanproblem-solving, stand as a model of what public service ought to be.

now, last, but never least, wehonor a leader who we still remember with suche_traordinary fondness. he still remembers as a child waving goodbyeto his mom -- tears inher eyes -- as she went off to nursing school so shecould provide for her family. and ithinklifting up families like his own became the story of bill clinton’slife. he remembered what hismom had todo on behalf of him and he wanted to make sure that he made life better andeasierfor so many people all across the country that were struggling in thosesame ways and had thosesame hopes and dreams. so as a governor, he transformed education so more kids couldpursuethose dreams. as president, he provedthat, with the right choices, you could grow theeconomy, lift people out ofpoverty. we could shrink our deficitsand still invest in our families,our health, our schools, science,technology. in other words, we can gofarther when we look outfor each other.

and as we’ve all seen, aspresident, he was just getting started. he doesn’t stop. he’s helpedleadrelief efforts after the asian tsunami, hurricane katrina, the haiti earthquake. hisfoundation and global initiative havehelped to save or improve the lives of literally hundredsof millions ofpeople. and, of course, i am mostgrateful for his patience during the endlesstravels of my secretary ofstate. (laughter.)

so i’m grateful, bill, as wellfor the advice and counsel that you’ve offered me on and offthe golfcourse. (laughter.) and most importantly, for your lifesavingwork around the world,which represents what’s the very best in america. so thank you so much, president clinton. (applause.)

so these are the recipients ofthe 2022 presidential medal of freedom. these are the menand women who in their e_traordinary lives remind usall of the beauty of the human spirit,the values that define us as americans,the potential that lives inside of all of us. i could notbe more happy and more honored to participate in thisceremony here today.

with that, what i would like todo is invite our honorees to just sit there and let all of usstand and giveyou a big round of applause. (applause.)

i guess we should actually givethem the medals, though. (laughter.) where are my --herewe go. lee, you want to hit it?

military aide: presidential medal of freedom recipients.

ernie banks. (applause.) with an unmatched enthusiasm for america’s pastime, erniebanks slugged,sprinted and smiled his way into the record books. known to fans as “mr. cub,”he played ane_traordinary 19 seasons with the chicago cubs, during which he was named to11all-star teams, hit over 500 home runs, and won back-to-back most valuableplayer honors.ernie banks was electedto the baseball hall of fame in 1977, and he will forever be known asone ofthe finest power hitters and most dynamic players of all time. (applause.)

benjamin crowninshieldbradlee. (applause.) a titan of journalism, benjamincrowninshieldbradlee is one of the most respected newsmen of his generation. after servingour nation in world war ii, benbradlee went on to defend liberty here at home. testing thelimits of a freepress during his tenure as e_ecutive editor of the washington post, heoversawcoverage of the watergate scandal and successfully challenged the federalgovernmentover the right to publish the pentagon papers. his passion foraccuracy and unyielding pursuitof truth continue to set the standard forjournalism. (applause.)

the honorable william j.clinton. (applause.) among the finest public servants of ourtime,president william j. clinton argued cases for the people of arkansas, servedhis state in thegovernor’s mansion, and guided our nation into a newcentury. as the 42nd president oftheunited states, bill clinton oversaw an era of challenge and change, prosperityand progress.his work after leavingpublic office continues to reflect his passionate, unendingcommitment toimproving the lives and livelihoods of people around the world. in respondingto needs both at home andabroad, and as founder of the clinton foundation, he has shown thatthroughcreative cooperation among women and men of goodwill, we can solve eventhemost intractable problems. (applause.)

irene hirano inouye, accepting onbehalf of her husband, the honorable daniel k. inouye. (applause.) a true patriot and dedicated public servant, daniel k. inouye understoodthepower of leaders when united in common purpose to protect and promote thetenets wecherish as americans. as amember of the revered 442nd regimental combat team, danielinouye helped freeeurope from the grasp of tyranny during world war ii, for which he receivedthemedal of honor. representing the peopleof hawaii from the moment the islands joined theunion, he never lost sight ofthe ideals that bind us across the 50 states. senator inouye’sreason and resolve helped make our country what it is today,and for that, we honor him. (applause.)

dr. daniel kahneman. (applause.) daniel kahneman’s groundbreaking work earned him anobel prize ineconomic sciences for his research developing prospect theory. after escapingfrom nazi-occupied france as ayoung boy and later joining the israel defense forces, dr.kahneman grewinterested in understanding the origins of people’s beliefs. combiningpsychology and economic analysis,and working alongside dr. amos tversky, dr. kahnemanused simple e_periments todemonstrate how people make decisions under uncertaincircumstances, and heforever changed the way we view human judgment. (applause.)

the honorable richard g.lugar. (applause.) representing the state of indiana for overthreedecades in the united states senate, richard g. lugar put country aboveparty and self toforge bipartisan consensus. throughout his time in the senate, he offered effective solutionsto ournational and international problems, advocating for the control of nuclear armsand otherweapons of mass destruction. working with senator sam nunn, richard lugar establishedthe nunn-lugarcooperative threat reduction program, one of our country’s mostsuccessfulnational security initiatives, helping to sustain american leadership andengagenations in collaboration after decades of confrontation. he remains a strong voice on foreignpolicyissues, and his informed perspective will have broad influence for years tocome. (applause.)

loretta lynn. (applause.) born a coal miner’s daughter, loretta lynn has followed a boldpath tobecome a legend in country music. asinger, songwriter, and author, she has writtendozens of chart-topping songs,released scores of albums, and won numerous accolades.breaking barriers in country music andentertainment, she opened doors for women not only bywinning tremendousachievements, but also by raising issues few dared to discuss. fearlesslytelling her own stories withcandor and humor, loretta lynn has brought a strong female voiceto mainstreammusic, captured the emotions of women and men alike, and revealed thecommontruths about life as it is lived. (applause.)

dr. mario molina. (applause.) the curiosity and creativity that inspired mario molina toconvert hisfamily’s bathroom into a laboratory as a child have driven him through decadesofscientific research. born in me_ico,dr. molina’s passion for chemistry brought him to the unitedstates, where hisinvestigations of chlorofluorocarbons led to breakthroughs in ourunderstandingof how they deplete the ozone layer. theimpact of his discoveries e_tends farbeyond his field, affecting environmentalpolicy and fostering international awareness, as wellas earning him the 1995nobel prize in chemistry. today, dr.molina remains a global leader,continuing to study air quality, climatechange, and the environment that connects us all. (applause.)

tam o’shaughnessy accepting onbehalf of her life partner, dr. sally k. ride. (applause.)thirty years ago, dr.sally k. ride soared into space as the youngest american and first womantowear the stars and stripes above earth’s atmosphere. as an astronaut, she sought to keepamericaat the forefront of space e_ploration. as a role model, she fought tirelessly to inspireyoung people --especially girls -- to become scientifically literate and to pursue careersinscience, technology, engineering, and math. at the end of her life, she became aninspiration for those battlingpancreatic cancer, and for the lesbian, gay, bise_ual, andtransgendercommunity. the tale of a quiet hero,sally ride’s story demonstrates that the sky isno limit for those who dream ofreaching for the stars. (applause.)

walter naegle accepting on behalfof his partner, bayard rustin. (applause.) bayard rustinwas agiant in the american civil rights movement. openly gay at a time when many had tohide who they loved, hisunwavering belief that we are all equal members of a “single humanfamily” tookhim from his first freedom ride to the lesbian, gay, bise_ual, and transgenderrightsmovement. thanks to hisunparalleled skills as an organizer, progress that once seemedimpossibleappears, in retrospect, to have been inevitable. fifty years after the march onwashington heorganized, america honors bayard rustin as one of its greatest architectsforsocial change and a fearless advocate for its most vulnerable citizens. (applause.)

arturo sandoval. (applause.) arturo sandoval is one of the world’s finest jazz musicians.born into poverty in cuba and held back byhis government, he risked everything to share hisgifts with the world --eventually defecting with help from dizzy gillespie, his mentorandfriend. in the decades since, thisastonishing trumpeter, pianist, and composer hasinspired audiences in everycorner of the world and awakened a new generation of greatperformers. he remains one of the best ever to play. (applause.)

linnea smith, accepting on behalfof her husband, dean e. smith. (applause.) dean e.smith spent36 seasons taking college basketball to new heights. as head coach at theuniversity of northcarolina at chapel hill, he led his team to 11 final fours, two nationaltitles,and 879 victories, retiring as the winningest men’s college basketballcoach in history. deansmith brought thesame commitment to supporting his players off the court. he helped morethan 96 percent of hislettermen graduate. and in an era ofdeep division, he taught players toovercome bigotry with courage andcompassion. he will forever stand as oneof the greatestcoaches in college basketball history. (applause.)

gloria steiner. (applause.) a trailblazing writer and feminist organizer, gloria steinem hasbeen atthe forefront of the fight for equality and social justice for more than fourdecades.instrumental to a broad rangeof initiatives and issues, from establishing ms. magazine and takeourdaughters to work day, to pushing for women’s self-empowerment and an end tose_trafficking. she has promotedlasting political and social change in america and abroad.through her reporting and speaking, she hasshaped debates on the intersection of se_ and race,brought critical problemsto national attention, and forged new opportunities for women inmedia. gloria steinem continues to move us all totake up the cause of reaching for a more justtomorrow. (applause.)

reverend c.t. vivian. (applause.) equipped only with courage and an overwhelmingcommitment to socialjustice, the reverend c.t. vivian was a stalwart activist on the marchtowardracial equality. whether at a lunchcounter, on a freedom ride, or behind the bars of aprison cell, he wasunafraid to take bold action in the face of fierce resistance. by pushingchange through nonviolentdemonstration and advocacy, c.t. vivian established and lednumerousorganizations to support underserved individuals and communities. his legacy ofcombating injustice will shineas an e_ample for generations to come. (applause.)

patricia mcgowan wald. (applause.) patricia mcgowan wald made history as the first womanappointed to theunited states court of appeals for the district of columbia circuit. rising tochief judge of the court, shealways strove to better understand the law and fairly apply it.after leaving federal service, judge waldhelped institute standards for justice and the rule oflaw at the internationalcriminal tribunal for the former yugoslavia in the hague. hailed as amodel judge, she laid afoundation for countless women within the legal profession and helpedunveilthe humanity within the law. (applause.)

oprah g. winfrey. (applause.) oprah g. winfrey is a global media icon. when she launchedthe oprah winfrey show in 1986, there were few women-- and even fewer women of color --with a national platform to discuss theissues and events shaping our times. butover the 25years that followed, oprah winfrey’s innate gift for tapping intoour most fervent hopes anddeepest fears drew millions of viewers across everybackground, making her show the highest-rated talk show in televisionhistory. off screen, oprah winfrey hasused her influence to supportunderserved communities and to lift up the livesof young people -- especially young women --around the world. in her story, we are reminded that no dreamcan be deferred when we refuseto let life’s obstacles keep us down. (applause.)

the president: the medal of freedom honorees -- please. (applause.)

well, that concludes the formalpart of today’s ceremony. i want tothank all of you forbeing here. obviously,we are deeply indebted to those who we honor here today. and we’regoing to have an opportunity totake some pictures with the honorees and their familymembers.

the rest of you, i understand thefood here is pretty good. (laughter.) soi hope you enjoythe reception, and i hope we carry away from this a reminderof what jfk understood to be theessence of the american spirit -- that it’srepresented here. and some of us may belesstalented, but we all have the opportunity to serve and to open people’shearts and minds inour smaller orbits. so i hope everybody has been as inspired, as i have been, participatingandbeing with these people here today.

thank you very much,everybody. (applause.)

第6篇 羅斯福四項(xiàng)自由英語(yǔ)演講稿

下面是__小編為你精心編輯整理的羅斯福-四項(xiàng)自由英語(yǔ)演講稿，希望對(duì)你有所幫助!

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: 'we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge.'

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

第7篇 個(gè)人自由與社會(huì)公德演講稿范文

各位老師、同學(xué)，大家好：

咦？我怎么覺(jué)得大家眼神不對(duì)勁呢？好像有些許憤慨、還有一絲不滿？哦，（手拍額頭）對(duì)不起，剛才主持人念到我時(shí)，我突然想起了一件事，所以讓我的思想自由馳騁了會(huì)，上臺(tái)晚了些。大家是為這個(gè)對(duì)我有意見(jiàn)吧？（憨笑）正好，我也想借這個(gè)，說(shuō)說(shuō)今天我要演講的主題“個(gè)人自由與社會(huì)公德”。剛才，我縱容了我的自由，讓“思想”飛了一會(huì)，卻無(wú)意中冒犯了大家寶貴的10秒，因?yàn)榘凑粘绦颍@個(gè)時(shí)間應(yīng)該是我上臺(tái)演講的時(shí)間，違背了我們的社會(huì)公德。在這里，我誠(chéng)摯的跟大家說(shuō)聲：對(duì)不起！

大家的眼睛是雪亮的，因?yàn)槲覐拇蠹业难劬χ懈惺艿搅恕安粷M”。但是，我沒(méi)有聽(tīng)到大家斥責(zé)我的聲音！如果我沒(méi)有從大家的眼神中感受到大家對(duì)我的譴責(zé)，而正好又沒(méi)有人譴責(zé)我，那是不是剛才的遲到就可以當(dāng)作沒(méi)有發(fā)生？因?yàn)槲覜](méi)有意識(shí)到，而又沒(méi)有人讓我意識(shí)到呀。（聳肩、攤手，做無(wú)辜狀）其實(shí)這就是如今人們漠視社會(huì)公德的原因。一方面，沒(méi)有形成一個(gè)有效的社會(huì)輿論。當(dāng)你意識(shí)到有違社會(huì)公德的形為發(fā)生時(shí)，應(yīng)該及時(shí)正確、大膽的說(shuō)出來(lái)。用有聲的語(yǔ)言說(shuō)出來(lái)或者寫出來(lái)，而不僅僅是自己內(nèi)心的一個(gè)感知而已。另一方面，當(dāng)今的社會(huì)，科技的發(fā)展、網(wǎng)絡(luò)的進(jìn)步，人們更強(qiáng)調(diào)自我，強(qiáng)調(diào)個(gè)性。在追求個(gè)性自由的同時(shí)，迷失了社會(huì)公德卻渾然不知。因?yàn)槲覀兲^(guò)自我，太過(guò)自由，殊不知，這一切的太過(guò)終將讓我們付出沉重的代價(jià)！

社會(huì)公德和個(gè)人自由就像風(fēng)箏和線，風(fēng)箏只有在線的指引下才不會(huì)飄零天涯；個(gè)人自由只有在社會(huì)公德的指引下才能得到充分體現(xiàn)。飛回流轉(zhuǎn)五千年，從“采菊東籬下，悠然見(jiàn)南山”到“挾飛仙以遨游，抱明月而長(zhǎng)終”。個(gè)人自由總伴隨著超然外物，逍遙自得，流淌于歷史的松濤竹林之中。春花落了秋日清，冬雪融了夏蟲(chóng)鳴。社會(huì)公德和個(gè)人的自由相輔相承。順著社會(huì)公德的線，我們可以看到，個(gè)人自由的風(fēng)箏蹁躚起舞。

我崇尚自由，向往自由，追求自由，相信在座的同學(xué)，跟我一樣都有著對(duì)自由的執(zhí)著。曾經(jīng)熱血青年‘為中華崛起而讀書(shū)’，作為新時(shí)代的我們，在和平與發(fā)展的年代中，更應(yīng)該發(fā)奮圖強(qiáng)、好好學(xué)習(xí)，勇做時(shí)代的弄潮兒，將先輩的旗幟繼承下來(lái)發(fā)揚(yáng)光大！在我們努力學(xué)知識(shí)、學(xué)文化的同時(shí)，同樣不能忽略體能的鍛煉。身體是革命的本錢，強(qiáng)身健體同等重要！很喜歡一句話‘一滴水也能折射出太陽(yáng)的光輝’?？v使我們無(wú)法輝煌于歷史，縱使個(gè)人的力量再渺小，只要我們?yōu)槔硐牒妥杂啥?，依舊也能閃亮他人、折射光輝。一次彎腰，可以整齊一方土地；一次行禮，可以溫暖他人心房。小小的善舉，也可以讓世界多些溫暖與陽(yáng)光！只要人人獻(xiàn)出一點(diǎn)愛(ài)，這世界將變成美麗的人間！

在我們追求個(gè)人自由的時(shí)候，不應(yīng)盲從。在社會(huì)公德的指引下，我們可以獲得更多的自由。文明禮貌是社會(huì)公德，助人為樂(lè)是社會(huì)公德，愛(ài)護(hù)公物是社會(huì)公德，保護(hù)環(huán)境是社會(huì)公德，遵紀(jì)守法同樣是社會(huì)公德。社會(huì)公德是要融入我們的一言一行中的，是融入我們的日常生活中的。社會(huì)公德不是束縛個(gè)人自由的枷鎖，它更像一盞指路明燈，點(diǎn)亮我們前行的路。在‘社會(huì)公德’這盞燈光的指引下，在追求個(gè)人自由的路上，我們可以走得更從容、更淡定！

我的演講完了，謝謝大家！

第8篇 關(guān)于自由的英語(yǔ)演講稿

freedom is an important right of people. it usually refers that you can do want you want and live the life you want. of course it must be on the basis that you can’t affect others’ freedom. otherwise it does not belong to your freedom anymore. in my opinion freedom is not you can do whatever you want but you don’t have to do what you don’t want to.

we live in the same society which there are many rules onstraining our behaviors. therefore we can’t do whatever we want. but we are not forced to do what we don’t want to is freedom.

關(guān)于自由的英語(yǔ)演講稿

第9篇 校園民主與自由演講稿

尊敬的各位老師，敬愛(ài)的同學(xué)們，早上好。我今天演講的題目是，深中學(xué)子應(yīng)該追求和擁有怎樣的校園民主與自由。我想回答幾個(gè)問(wèn)題。

第一個(gè)問(wèn)題：民主與自由的價(jià)值是什么？意大利著名詩(shī)人斐多菲說(shuō)：生命誠(chéng)可貴，愛(ài)情價(jià)更高；若為自由故，二者皆可拋。自由的價(jià)值超過(guò)了生命和愛(ài)情，可見(jiàn)珍貴至極。97年前的1919年的'五四'運(yùn)動(dòng)和新文化運(yùn)動(dòng)，在中國(guó)最黑暗的年代，一群激情澎湃的熱血青年吶喊出了民主自由的口號(hào)：'追求民主與自由，才是救國(guó)之路。'2022年，國(guó)家主持公布的24個(gè)字的社會(huì)主義核心價(jià)值觀中，赫然醒目的，有'民主''自由'的四個(gè)大字，實(shí)現(xiàn)民主自由，也是今天中國(guó)的強(qiáng)國(guó)之路?？傊?，民主與自由，是人類的進(jìn)步的產(chǎn)物，是人類最寶貴的精神財(cái)富和政治財(cái)富。深中，尊重和探討民主與自由，順應(yīng)了社會(huì)進(jìn)步的潮流。

我回答的第二個(gè)問(wèn)題是：校園民主與自由的價(jià)值是什么？我以為，校園民主與自由的價(jià)值，應(yīng)該表現(xiàn)在兩個(gè)方面：第一，從教育本身來(lái)說(shuō)，如果把教育的對(duì)象置于一種平等的地位，讓學(xué)生積極參與，細(xì)致思辨，敢于質(zhì)疑和批判，敢于與眾不同，發(fā)揮學(xué)生的主體意識(shí)，點(diǎn)燃智慧的火花，激發(fā)起無(wú)窮的求知的欲望，將更有利于知識(shí)真正的掌握和能力的真正的提高。尤其是在今天，世界各國(guó)的激烈競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，主要表現(xiàn)為科技和人才。剛才我們進(jìn)會(huì)場(chǎng)的時(shí)候，看到我們畫(huà)面上的神舟發(fā)射已經(jīng)成功，這都是中國(guó)科學(xué)的進(jìn)步。在現(xiàn)在追求民主自由的氛圍中，培養(yǎng)發(fā)掘新人才，更加離不開(kāi)民主與自由的氛圍。第二，從國(guó)家層面來(lái)說(shuō)，實(shí)現(xiàn)校園民主與自由，是國(guó)家民主法治建設(shè)的重要組成部分。如何正確行事民主自由權(quán)利，需要從學(xué)生、從校園做起。因此，推動(dòng)校園民主與自由，將有利于國(guó)家的民主與法制的進(jìn)步?？傊?，推進(jìn)校園民主與自由，對(duì)于教育本身和國(guó)家的民主法制都有積極意義。因此，深中的教育理念，才有了以學(xué)生為中心，充分地尊重和信任學(xué)生；才給了同學(xué)們更多的自由選擇和民主權(quán)利。

我回答的第三個(gè)問(wèn)題是：深中學(xué)子應(yīng)該擁有怎樣的校園民主與自由？點(diǎn)擊百度'深圳中學(xué)',我們可以獲得以下重要信息：深圳中學(xué)是廣東省深圳市的一所公辦完全中學(xué)。1983年6月被定為深圳市唯一的省重點(diǎn)中學(xué)；1993年11月被評(píng)為廣東省首批一級(jí)學(xué)校；我想下面指出的是，2004年，深圳中學(xué)被定為國(guó)家新課改樣板校。十多年前的課改，把深圳中學(xué)民主與自由的水平推到了一個(gè)新的高度。同時(shí)，也帶來(lái)了一些爭(zhēng)論和困惑。今天，我們就在爭(zhēng)論；今天，我們就是要解惑。親愛(ài)的同學(xué)們，你了解深中的?；諉幔克暮x是什么？深中的校標(biāo)由高山、大海、太陽(yáng)三部分組成。它的意象，宣誓的是這樣的一種辦學(xué)理念：壁立千仞，不拒細(xì)壤；滄海無(wú)涯，不擇細(xì)流。惟其'主動(dòng)發(fā)展，共同成長(zhǎng)，不斷超越'（學(xué)校的辦學(xué)理念）才能以生之有涯而隨海之無(wú)涯，以身之跬步而凌峰之絕頂，成為橫絕滄海，覽小眾山的太陽(yáng)。太陽(yáng)是深中學(xué)子的象征——他們能自主發(fā)現(xiàn)和實(shí)現(xiàn)個(gè)人的潛能，成為他們最好的自己；而且他們無(wú)論身在何處，都能尊重自然，關(guān)愛(ài)他人，服務(wù)社會(huì)，造福世界，并且樂(lè)在其中。

那么深中有應(yīng)該追去和擁有怎樣的校園民主與自由呢？我認(rèn)為，深中的民主及自由，首先應(yīng)該表現(xiàn)在課堂上。在深中，有這樣一群老師：他們特別尊重學(xué)生的人格和個(gè)性，他們總是微笑著向?qū)W生投去信任和欣賞的目光；他們公開(kāi)坦言，在知識(shí)和真理面前，沒(méi)有唯唯諾諾，他們是在真正地鼓勵(lì)學(xué)生獨(dú)立思考、積極思辨，大膽發(fā)表不同的見(jiàn)解；他們從不苛責(zé)，更不會(huì)威嚇學(xué)生。在我的課堂上，即便是在我的那么多的高三的課堂上，正在侃侃而談的安老師可以被學(xué)生當(dāng)場(chǎng)打斷；神圣的公理可以公開(kāi)質(zhì)疑；記憶性的結(jié)論可以重新討論。一句話，深中學(xué)子就是深中的主體、深中課堂的主體、課堂的中心，是深中課堂的太陽(yáng)。我們欣喜地看到，在深中的課堂上，已經(jīng)培養(yǎng)了一種亦師亦友，即'吾愛(ài)吾師，吾更愛(ài)真理'的關(guān)系。我也時(shí)常在想，也許就是因?yàn)樯钪杏羞@樣的民主與自由的課堂，深中才能培養(yǎng)出馬化騰這樣的杰出少年。我以為，親愛(ài)的同學(xué)們，深中的民主與自由的最大價(jià)值，也是深中最大的內(nèi)憂所在。

在這里，我不得不遺憾地指出，有一部分同學(xué)對(duì)校園民主和自由的理解非常片面、狹隘和化，向外宣稱的自由，只停留在表面的可以不穿校服，可以使用手機(jī)，甚至還可以所謂'不受批評(píng)'地談情說(shuō)愛(ài)。其次，深中的民主與自由還表現(xiàn)在豐富多彩的課外活動(dòng)中。課堂之外更是深中學(xué)子民主與自由的天地。在校規(guī)允許的范圍內(nèi)，我的事情我做主。在深中這么多年，我最滿意的就是深中社團(tuán)活動(dòng)的豐富多彩，以及透過(guò)這些活動(dòng)，展現(xiàn)的深中學(xué)子的自主意識(shí)、參與的熱情、各色的智慧以及出色的能力。我也常常這樣想：也許就是因?yàn)樯钪杏羞@樣民主與自由的課外活動(dòng)天地，深中才會(huì)培養(yǎng)出劉若鵬這樣的優(yōu)秀校友。一句話，深中學(xué)子是深中課外活動(dòng)的太陽(yáng)，學(xué)校和老師欣賞并支持你們。但我不得不指出，有些同學(xué)對(duì)自己在學(xué)校管理中的地位和作用有不解，并由不解產(chǎn)生了錯(cuò)誤行為。這既不利于學(xué)校工作的開(kāi)展，也不利于學(xué)生參與管理學(xué)校水平和能力的提升。因此，進(jìn)行正本清源，撥亂反正…最后，我想以這樣一句話來(lái)結(jié)束我今天的演講：深中的魅力，深中的強(qiáng)大，深中既讓人無(wú)比強(qiáng)大，又讓人真正敬佩的是，深中學(xué)子不僅擁有很多校園民主與自由的權(quán)利，更在于他們學(xué)會(huì)了尊重，分享，以及克制和約束。

讓校園自由呼吸民主的空氣

最近蒲公英評(píng)論網(wǎng)屢屢曝光校園種種怪現(xiàn)象，無(wú)論是校服、校歌的不合時(shí)宜，還是師生關(guān)系的尷尬緊張，都由不得人不去思考。

人的認(rèn)識(shí)千萬(wàn)不能如盲人摸象一般，僅僅就事論事，常常在表面上說(shuō)道，很難從實(shí)質(zhì)上去發(fā)現(xiàn)。校園發(fā)生的一系列是是非非，說(shuō)實(shí)在的，看上去有些吸人眼球，殊不知，這些都是老掉牙故事的重演而已。

難怪有經(jīng)驗(yàn)的老教師，他們看著我寫的一些話題會(huì)發(fā)笑，問(wèn)之，原來(lái)這些問(wèn)題已經(jīng)存在多少年頭了，只不過(guò)那時(shí)候自己也特別熱心，久而久之，習(xí)以為常，也就不見(jiàn)得奇怪了。

可見(jiàn)，我們僅僅議論事情本身，不找找事情之間的核心聯(lián)系，那么，依舊與多少年前一樣，事兒還在發(fā)生，議論依舊在進(jìn)行，就像井水與河水，很少有連著的時(shí)候，這樣的尷尬關(guān)系是不能解決問(wèn)題，只能讓一些人的情緒得以發(fā)泄，引得好事者駐足觀光而已。說(shuō)不定，媒體就是希望這樣的目的，但作為教育工作者，我覺(jué)得解決問(wèn)題才是王道。

種種怪象的出現(xiàn)有其理由，根本點(diǎn)在于我們的校園缺乏民主的氣息，這直接導(dǎo)致許多事兒反反復(fù)復(fù)地較勁兒，就像初春時(shí)節(jié)冷暖空氣相互碰撞，搞得人間春季如四季，而不是四季如春。

我覺(jué)得校園想要和諧溫馨的發(fā)展，就應(yīng)該營(yíng)造四季如春的氛圍，而不是朝令夕改，人人自危，搞得一日如四季，人不知道什么時(shí)候會(huì)如何。

有人說(shuō)，真正的校園應(yīng)該是知識(shí)學(xué)習(xí)思考的自由王國(guó)，在這樣的王國(guó)里，人與人之間可能會(huì)因?yàn)槌錾聿煌?，但是沒(méi)有三六九等。我深有同感，如果校園依舊處于壓迫之下，那么出現(xiàn)種種怪現(xiàn)象是不足為奇的。

俗話說(shuō)，哪里有壓迫哪里就有反抗，實(shí)際上，為了維護(hù)學(xué)校的暫時(shí)寧?kù)o，我們的壓迫者可謂是想盡辦法，搞出千萬(wàn)種花樣，目的就是讓每個(gè)受教育者消停，不要與學(xué)校作對(duì)。如此，成立'反省室',半夜突襲寢室沒(méi)收學(xué)生手機(jī)，……真的佩服學(xué)校管理者的用心，他們打著一切為孩子好的旗幟，殊不知，這樣的旗幟下的行為卻往往是違法的。我們知道所謂'反省室'實(shí)際上就是差生的集中營(yíng)，置身其中如被放逐一般，這顯然與新課改面向全體是背道而馳的。'反省室'不是金庸筆下的思過(guò)崖，畢竟，思過(guò)崖住著的令狐沖還有小師妹牽掛，只能是學(xué)校放棄責(zé)任的一種糟糕表現(xiàn)。學(xué)生不是犯人，無(wú)需所謂的改造，學(xué)校的目的應(yīng)該是促進(jìn)學(xué)生生長(zhǎng)，而不是利用壓迫的方式來(lái)給孩子分成三六九等。

人可以有階級(jí)，但是千萬(wàn)不能有等級(jí)，正因?yàn)槿绱?，亞歷山大大帝可以與第歐根尼在陽(yáng)光下自由談話。人一旦有了等級(jí)，人與人之間的關(guān)系就會(huì)冷漠、刻薄起來(lái)，讀一讀魯迅先生寫的《故鄉(xiāng)》，善良的豆腐西施楊二嫂，誠(chéng)實(shí)本分的閏土哥，在等級(jí)的壓迫下，與迅哥兒的微妙關(guān)系在言行中怎么不令人傷心。

我們的學(xué)校在有意無(wú)意的劃分三六九等，教師戴著有色眼鏡看孩子，家長(zhǎng)老是叮囑自家孩子只能與什么樣的孩子玩耍，這一切都造就了學(xué)校關(guān)系異常緊張與莫名尷尬。一些孩子為啥有厭學(xué)情緒，說(shuō)到底，不就是學(xué)校沒(méi)有自己可以發(fā)光發(fā)熱的平臺(tái)，整日里渾渾噩噩，自然覺(jué)得學(xué)校沒(méi)什么意思。

社會(huì)似乎比學(xué)校更加寬容，許多另類的孩子在同等社會(huì)規(guī)則的引導(dǎo)下，在人格上擁有了暫時(shí)平等的地位，導(dǎo)致孩子出了校門進(jìn)行再次洗牌，那些在學(xué)校里老師不入法眼的孩子，不一定在社會(huì)上就沒(méi)有出息，只不過(guò)因?yàn)榻邮苣芰Φ膯?wèn)題，自己可能學(xué)習(xí)知識(shí)存在差異，但這不能讓一個(gè)孩子在成長(zhǎng)過(guò)程中失去任性、善良和寬容。我覺(jué)得校園應(yīng)該提倡與人為善，這不僅是學(xué)生之間，還包括師生之間，學(xué)校管理者與普通教師之間，如果讓與人為善消失，僅僅圍繞分?jǐn)?shù)在過(guò)分較勁，那么人與人之間的關(guān)系只能如擰螺絲一樣，愈來(lái)愈緊，到頭來(lái)，痛苦不斷，愈是作為愈是不利于學(xué)校和諧發(fā)展。

孔夫子提出天下歸仁，說(shuō)到底，就是把人當(dāng)人，就算什么君君臣臣父父子子是封建落后的思想，但在人充分認(rèn)識(shí)自我角色之后，不越規(guī)矩，本分做人，這恰恰是社會(huì)和諧的根本。為此，夫子教育強(qiáng)調(diào)有教無(wú)類，沒(méi)有搞什么精英主義教育。這一點(diǎn)上，他與希望仰慕的耶穌頗為相似。耶穌愛(ài)天下人，不管這些人如何，都會(huì)抱有悲天憫人之心，正因?yàn)槿绱?，天堂才?huì)變得和諧。不是有這樣的故事，講述天堂與地獄的區(qū)別，盡管天堂與地獄的精靈都拿著一個(gè)長(zhǎng)長(zhǎng)的湯勺，然而相互的表情卻天壤之別，為啥呢，天堂的精靈臉上洋溢著無(wú)限快樂(lè)，原因很簡(jiǎn)單，精靈之間相互幫助，知道為別人著想，而地獄里的精靈卻盡可能地把湯勺往自己嘴巴送，可惜的是，湯勺太長(zhǎng)，自然沒(méi)辦法實(shí)現(xiàn)愿望，只能非常痛苦。

那么，什么是仁愛(ài)，孔子說(shuō)得好，忠恕兩個(gè)字，即幾所勿欲勿施于人，我們不要強(qiáng)人所難，要學(xué)會(huì)將心比心，否則，你所做的一切都不會(huì)得到滿意的結(jié)局。

我們大人之所以特別痛苦，那就是一個(gè)勁兒地一廂情愿，總是以為你前途著想為托辭，目的就是希望孩子按照自己的意愿去成長(zhǎng)，殊不知，這種一廂情愿常常因?yàn)楹酶唑\遠(yuǎn)變得異常尷尬復(fù)雜，人與人之間會(huì)三句話不到就吵起架來(lái)。

教育的最高境界應(yīng)該是什么樣子，我覺(jué)得時(shí)下的教育依舊是計(jì)劃經(jīng)濟(jì)思維的延續(xù)，沒(méi)有真正意義上與市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)思維完美結(jié)合起來(lái)。我們都知道，過(guò)去的供銷社為啥冷冷清清，就是一個(gè)個(gè)糟糕的柜臺(tái)在阻礙著銷售者與消費(fèi)者暢意的交流，而如今的超市，人可以自由的在其中選擇心儀的物品，不需要有任何的負(fù)擔(dān)，就算兩手空空回家也沒(méi)什么關(guān)系。記得小時(shí)候，我最怕去中心商場(chǎng)去買什么東西，問(wèn)題在哪兒，就是你沒(méi)跑到什么地方，只要稍微看上幾眼，馬上就會(huì)有人投來(lái)不信任的目光，似乎來(lái)的不是顧客，是小偷一般。盡管如今的超市也裝有攝像頭，但又有幾個(gè)人愿意注意那玩意呢？

教育需要建立在信任的基礎(chǔ)上，沒(méi)有了信任，我們就會(huì)戴著灰色的眼鏡來(lái)看待孩子的成長(zhǎng)，到那時(shí)，一些屬于成長(zhǎng)中正常的問(wèn)題也會(huì)變得大驚小怪起來(lái)，似乎，孩子永遠(yuǎn)是不懂事的，自己一直在為孩子好，等到大人與孩子之間沒(méi)有了應(yīng)有的尊重，關(guān)系就變得尷尬起來(lái)。

學(xué)校從自身發(fā)展的角度出發(fā)，自然會(huì)想出各種方式來(lái)平息師生之間的不愉快，從而出現(xiàn)了如此的尷尬景象：學(xué)生抱怨老師不理解自己，老師埋怨學(xué)生不懂事，學(xué)校感嘆師生愈來(lái)愈難以管理，繼續(xù)下去，就算措施多如牛毛，只能讓校園師生關(guān)系愈來(lái)愈尷尬，產(chǎn)生沖突也就在所難免了，畢竟，學(xué)生的另一頭是連著復(fù)雜多變一點(diǎn)也不遜于校園家庭、社會(huì)。

我們?yōu)樯恫荒軌蜃聛?lái)好好談?wù)?，不要以為大人與孩子之間沒(méi)有共同語(yǔ)言，只要大人不自以為是，孩子常常也是通情達(dá)理的，這就需要每個(gè)教育工作者敢于放下架子，真心誠(chéng)實(shí)的與學(xué)生進(jìn)行商量，達(dá)成真正意義上的共識(shí)，這才是學(xué)校和諧發(fā)展的關(guān)鍵。不管北京十一中今后的改革發(fā)展會(huì)變成啥樣，可能高考未必達(dá)到社會(huì)的期望，但從管理過(guò)程來(lái)看，以學(xué)生為中心，激發(fā)學(xué)生主人翁意識(shí)，讓師生之間和諧共存，這樣的校園至少在孩子們心中是美麗天堂，只要孩子們滿意，又有啥不好呢？不是有一所農(nóng)村的高中實(shí)現(xiàn)了逆襲嗎？原因很簡(jiǎn)單，學(xué)校校長(zhǎng)真誠(chéng)對(duì)待每個(gè)人，這才是關(guān)鍵。

由此可見(jiàn)，校園應(yīng)該擁有民主的氣息，千萬(wàn)不能被死氣沉沉的空氣窒息每個(gè)孩子健康陽(yáng)光成長(zhǎng)，否則，學(xué)校又怎么會(huì)充滿活力，我們的教育又怎么可能與世界同步，保持核心競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力呢？

第10篇 陳寅恪勵(lì)志演講稿：獨(dú)立之精神 自由之思想

我的思想，我的主張完全見(jiàn)于我所寫的王國(guó)維紀(jì)念碑中。

王國(guó)維死后，學(xué)生劉節(jié)等請(qǐng)我撰文紀(jì)念。

當(dāng)時(shí)正值國(guó)民黨統(tǒng)一時(shí)，立碑時(shí)間有案可查。

在當(dāng)時(shí)，清華校長(zhǎng)是羅家倫，是二陳派去的，眾所周知。

我當(dāng)時(shí)是清華研究院導(dǎo)師，認(rèn)為王國(guó)維是近世學(xué)術(shù)界最主要的人物，故撰文來(lái)昭示天下后世研究學(xué)問(wèn)的人，特別是研究史學(xué)的人。

我認(rèn)為研究學(xué)術(shù)，最主要的是要具有自由的意志和獨(dú)立的精神，所以我說(shuō)

“士之讀書(shū)治學(xué)，蓋將一脫心志于俗諦之桎梏。”

“俗諦”在當(dāng)時(shí)即指三民主義而言。

必須脫掉“俗諦之桎梏”，真理才能發(fā)揮，受“俗諦之桎梏”，沒(méi)有自由思想，沒(méi)有獨(dú)立精神，即不能發(fā)揚(yáng)真理，即不能研究學(xué)術(shù)。

學(xué)說(shuō)有無(wú)錯(cuò)誤，這是可以商量的，我對(duì)于王國(guó)維即是如此。

王國(guó)維的學(xué)說(shuō)中，也有錯(cuò)的，如關(guān)于蒙古史上的一些問(wèn)題，我認(rèn)為就可以商量。

我的學(xué)說(shuō)也有錯(cuò)誤，也可以商量，個(gè)人之間的爭(zhēng)吵，不必芥蒂。

我、你都應(yīng)該如此。

我寫王國(guó)維詩(shī)，中間罵了梁任公，給梁任公看，梁任公只笑了笑，不以為芥蒂。

我對(duì)胡適也罵過(guò)。但對(duì)于獨(dú)立精神，自由思想，我認(rèn)為是最重要的，所以我說(shuō)

“唯此獨(dú)立之精神，自由之思想，歷千萬(wàn)祀，與天壤而同久，共三光而永光。”

我認(rèn)為王國(guó)維之死，不關(guān)與羅振玉之恩怨，不關(guān)滿清之滅亡，其一死乃以見(jiàn)其獨(dú)立自由之意志。

獨(dú)立精神和自由意志是必須爭(zhēng)的，且須以生死力爭(zhēng)。

正如詞文所示，

“思想而不自由，毋寧死耳。斯古今仁圣同殉之精義，夫豈庸鄙之敢望。”

一切都是小事，惟此是大事。

碑文中所持之宗旨，至今并未改易。

第11篇 2022自由演講稿()

i would like to congratulate the government and people of south africa on your 20th year of democracy. your peaceful and negotiated transition from the oppressive days of apartheid to democracy in 1994 served as an inspiration to millions. it was a long and difficult struggle for freedom that cost many lives. some feared that south africa’s first truly democratic elections would lead to more violence, but they were proved wrong and the peaceful elections held on this day 20 years ago were a testament to the optimism, the vision and the courage of the new south africa. as millions of people e_ercised their right to vote for the first time, you showed the world that democracy and an end to discrimination in all its forms were universal aspirations. and the process of truce, reconciliation and forgiveness initiated by the late nelson mandela and led by archbishop tutu was an e_ample to us all. your successful transition demonstrated what a country can achieve and its people stand united in the course of justice and freedom.

since that transition, the links between south africa and the united kingdom have deepenedand matured. we are proud to share such strong ties with your country in areas from science totrade to culture, and i hope we can continue to work closely together.

nelson mandela said at the dawn of democracy in 1994 that south africa had entered acovenant that would build a society in which all south africans, black and white, would be able,he said, “to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right tohuman dignity—a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world”. this vision shouldcontinue to inspire people across the world for many years to come.

加拿大自由黨領(lǐng)袖賈斯廷·特魯多獲勝英語(yǔ)演講稿

sunny ways, my friends, sunny ways. this is whatpositive politics can do. this is what a causative,hopeful – a hopeful vision and a platform and ateam together can make happen. canadians –canadians from all across this great country sent aclear message tonight. it's time for a change in thiscountry, my friends, a real change.

i also want to specifically thank my good friendskatie telford and gerald butts. katie and gerry aretwo of the smartest, toughest, hardest workingpeople you will find anywhere. they share with me the conviction that politics doesn't have tobe negative and personal to be successful, that – that you can appeal to the better angels ofour nature, and you can win while doing it.

tonight, my very good friends, we proved that. i hope it is an inspiration to like-mindedpeople to step up and pitch in, to get involved in the public life of this country and to knowthat a positive, optimistic, hopeful vision of public life isn't a naive dream; it can be apowerful force for change.

and i also want to thank the incredible volunteers that made tonight happen. over 80,000canadians got involved in the core of this campaign. they knocked on their neighbours' doors.they made phone calls. they sent emails. hundreds of thousands more supported us activelywith their friends and online. they convinced their neighbours and their families. and all ofthese people had one thing in common: they care deeply about their families, theircommunities and their country. they believe that better is possible and that active citizens canplay a real part in making it happen.

now, this movement we've built was fuelled by these amazing volunteers, and from thebottom of my heart, i thank you.

now, i want to take a moment to speak about my colleagues across the aisle. tonight, ireceived phone calls from all of them, including from mr. harper. stephen harper has servedthis country for a decade, and as with anyone who has devoted their life to this country, wethank him for his service.

now, over the course of this campaign, i had the opportunity to have a couple of briefpersonal conversations with him about our families. it reminded me of the e_traordinary andunique sacrifices that are made by anybody who serves this country at the highest levels, and iwant to remind everyone, as i've said many times over the course of this campaign:conservatives are not our enemies, they're our neighbours. leadership is about bringing peopleof all different perspectives together.

now, you're all going to hear a lot tonight and tomorrow about me and about our campaign.lots of people are going to have lots of opinions about why we were successful. well, for threeyears, we had a very old-fashioned strategy. we met with and talked with as many canadiansas we could, and we listened. we won this election because we listened. we did the hard workof slogging it across the country. we met with hundreds of people in the dead of winter in thearctic and with thousands of people in brampton in the middle of this campaign.

you built this platform. you built this movement. you told us what you need to be successful.you told us what kind of government you want, and we built the plan to make it happen. incoffee shops and in town halls, in church basements and in gurdwaras, you gathered. you spenttime together with us, and you told us about the kind of country you want to build and leave toyour children.

over the past three years, you told us what you're going through. you told us that it's gettingharder and harder to make ends meet, let alone to get ahead. you told us you're worried aboutwhether you'll be able to afford a dignified retirement. you told us that your communities needinvestment. you told us you need a fair shot at better jobs. you are the inspiration for ourefforts. you are the reason why we worked so hard to be here tonight, and you will be at theheart of this new government.

so my message to you tonight, my fellow citizens, is simple: have faith in yourselves and inyour country, know that we can make anything happen if we set our minds to it and work hard.

i didn't make history tonight, you did. and don't let anyone tell you any differently. i know thati am on stage tonight for one reason and one reason only: because you put me here. and yougave me clear marching orders. you want a government that works as hard as you do, one thatis focused every minute of every day on growing the economy, creating jobs and strengtheningthe middle class, one that is devoted to helping less fortunate canadian families work theirway into the middle class.

you want a prime minister who knows canada is a country strong, not in spite of ourdifferences, but because of them, a pm who never seeks to divide canadians, but takes everysingle opportunity to bring us together. you want a prime minister who knows that ifcanadians are to trust their government, their government needs to trust canadians, a pm whounderstands that openness and transparency means better, smarter decisions. you want aprime minister that knows that a renewed nation-to-nation relationship with indigenouspeoples that respects rights and honours treaties must be the basis for how we work to closethe gap and walk forward together.

canadians – canadians have spoken. you want a government with a vision and an agenda forthis country that is positive and ambitious and hopeful. well, my friends, i promise youtonight that i will lead that government. i will make that vision a reality. i will be that primeminister.

in this election, 1,792 canadians stepped up, put their names on ballots and on lawn signsand ran for office. three hundred and thirty-eight of them were chosen by you to be their voicesin ottawa, and i pledge tonight that i will listen to all of them.

there are a thousand stories i could share with you about this remarkable campaign, but iwant you to think about one in particular. last week, i met a young mom in st. catharines,ontario. she practises the muslim faith and was wearing a hijab. she made her way through thecrowd and handed me her infant daughter, and as she leaned forward, she said something thati will never forget. she said she's voting for us because she wants to make sure that her littlegirl has the right to make her own choices in life and that our government will protect thoserights.

to her, i say this: you and your fellow citizens have chosen a new government, a governmentthat believes deeply in the diversity of our country. we know in our bones that canada wasbuilt by people from all corners of the world who worship every faith, who belong to everyculture, who speak every language.

we believe in our hearts that this country's unique diversity is a blessing bestowed upon usby previous generations of canadians, canadians who stared down prejudice and foughtdiscrimination in all its forms. we know that our enviable, inclusive society didn't happen byaccident and won't continue without effort. i have always known this; canadians know it too. ifnot, i might have spoken earlier this evening and given a very different speech.

have faith in your fellow citizens, my friends. they are kind and generous. they are open-minded and optimistic. and they know in their heart of hearts that a canadian is a canadian,is a canadian.

my friends, we beat fear with hope. we beat cynicism with hard work. we beat negative,divisive politics with a positive vision that brings canadians together. most of all, we defeatedthe idea that canadians should be satisfied with less, that good enough is good enough andthat better just isn't possible. well, my friends, this is canada, and in canada, better is alwayspossible.

thank you. thank you very much.

勞動(dòng)節(jié)升旗演講稿：為自由奮斗 為勞動(dòng)喝彩

5月1日是國(guó)際勞動(dòng)節(jié)，這是全世界勞動(dòng)人民自己的節(jié)日。今天，我們站在鮮艷的五星紅旗下，應(yīng)該怎樣紀(jì)念和慶祝這一偉大光輝的節(jié)日呢?

1886年的5月1日，美國(guó)的資產(chǎn)階級(jí)政府出動(dòng)大批軍隊(duì)和警察，殘酷地鎮(zhèn)壓了芝加哥工人因要求改善勞動(dòng)條件而進(jìn)行的集會(huì)斗爭(zhēng)。這說(shuō)明，工人階級(jí)不要說(shuō)爭(zhēng)取主人的地位，就是要求改善基本的生活條件也會(huì)遭受到血腥的鎮(zhèn)壓。

把五月一日定為國(guó)際勞動(dòng)節(jié)，就是旨在動(dòng)員并團(tuán)結(jié)全世界無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)及勞動(dòng)人民，為爭(zhēng)取自身的自由、解放，為最終實(shí)現(xiàn)當(dāng)家作主的權(quán)利而不懈斗爭(zhēng)。

我國(guó)的無(wú)產(chǎn)階級(jí)和廣大勞動(dòng)人民在中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，經(jīng)過(guò)艱苦卓絕的斗爭(zhēng)，使當(dāng)家作主的夢(mèng)想變成了現(xiàn)實(shí)，人民成了國(guó)家和社會(huì)的主人，享有廣泛的民主權(quán)利，以主人翁的精神投入到建設(shè)社會(huì)主義的偉大事業(yè)中去。

我們的社會(huì)主義祖國(guó)正呈現(xiàn)出蓬勃生機(jī)，煥發(fā)出旺盛活動(dòng)力，以昂揚(yáng)的姿態(tài)闊步邁向二十一世紀(jì)。

我們——作為跨世紀(jì)的一代建設(shè)者和接班人，將責(zé)無(wú)旁貸地挑起建設(shè)社會(huì)主義現(xiàn)代化強(qiáng)國(guó)的重?fù)?dān)，以主人翁的態(tài)度投入到建設(shè)祖國(guó)的偉大事業(yè)中去。

作為一名中學(xué)生，從小就應(yīng)該樹(shù)立主人翁的意識(shí)，關(guān)心國(guó)家大事，熱愛(ài)自己的家園，樹(shù)立遠(yuǎn)大的志向，把自己的前途同祖國(guó)的命運(yùn)結(jié)合起來(lái)，使自己成為一個(gè)有理想有志氣有抱負(fù)有高尚品質(zhì)的人。我們要培養(yǎng)勞動(dòng)感情，養(yǎng)成勞動(dòng)習(xí)慣，珍惜勞動(dòng)成果，積極參加社會(huì)實(shí)踐活動(dòng)。

當(dāng)然，最重要的還是要努力學(xué)習(xí)科學(xué)文化知識(shí)，扎實(shí)掌握一技之長(zhǎng)，為將來(lái)把我國(guó)建設(shè)繁榮富強(qiáng)打下良好的基礎(chǔ)!

這才是對(duì)“五?一”國(guó)際勞動(dòng)節(jié)最好的的紀(jì)念。

羅斯福四項(xiàng)自由英語(yǔ)演講稿

下面是__小編為你精心編輯整理的羅斯福-四項(xiàng)自由英語(yǔ)演講稿，希望對(duì)你有所幫助!

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: 'we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge.'

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

第12篇 大學(xué)生世界讀書(shū)日征文和演講稿:最后的自由

大學(xué)生世界讀書(shū)日征文和演講稿:最后的自由

——續(xù)弗蘭克《活出意義來(lái)》

蘇州大學(xué)哲學(xué)系 成相如

從2000年起，我用了二年的時(shí)間尋找一本書(shū)。而我把所在省會(huì)城市的書(shū)店翻遍也未見(jiàn)它的影子。直到2002年借著去北京的機(jī)會(huì)，才在出版社服務(wù)部的地下室找到它。當(dāng)我把這本心儀許久的書(shū)捧于掌上時(shí)，它的封面上閃著這幾個(gè)字：《活出意義來(lái)》［奧］弗蘭克著。

這本講述猶太醫(yī)生弗蘭克在納粹集中營(yíng)里的遭遇的小書(shū)，在我精神最困頓的時(shí)候，給了我莫大的鼓勵(lì)。我用二年來(lái)尋它是值得的。是他的這句話：“人所擁有的任何東西，都可以被剝奪，惟獨(dú)人生最后的自由——也就是在任何境遇中選擇一己態(tài)度和生活方式的自由——不能被剝奪”（p68），讓我猛然省悟。若干年后，我由家鄉(xiāng)來(lái)到蘇州，在與同室的同學(xué)聊天中得知，他在求學(xué)的困難時(shí)也受到弗蘭克此話的激勵(lì)。

弗蘭克是一位精神醫(yī)學(xué)家。二戰(zhàn)中他與家人被抓入集中營(yíng)。他的雙親、哥哥、妻子皆被害死，全家僅剩他與妹妹。任何一個(gè)像他這樣遭遇的人都會(huì)產(chǎn)生一個(gè)問(wèn)題：人生還值不值得活下去？很多人在此境況下選擇結(jié)束自己的生命，自殺了；更多人行尸走肉般活著。而弗蘭克最終在集中營(yíng)的床板上悟出：無(wú)論何時(shí)何地，人類都擁有這“最后的自由”。這與禪宗所言“本性自足，何須外求”頗有相似之處。二戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后，弗蘭克開(kāi)創(chuàng)了“意義治療法”作為人本主義心理學(xué)的重要組成部分，風(fēng)行西方。

我們不是在戰(zhàn)亂時(shí)期，也無(wú)大災(zāi)難突然降臨，但誰(shuí)敢說(shuō)今生不會(huì)遇到重大的挫折。校園里因失戀而自殺的學(xué)生不是越來(lái)越多嗎？為什么我們今天不能承受痛苦，為什么我們受到一點(diǎn)點(diǎn)挫折就會(huì)冒然輕生。弗蘭克說(shuō)：“我們應(yīng)自行學(xué)習(xí)——并且要教導(dǎo)瀕于絕望的人——認(rèn)清一個(gè)事實(shí)：真正重要的不是我們對(duì)人生有何指望，而是人生對(duì)我們有何指望。我們不該繼續(xù)追問(wèn)生命有何意義，而該認(rèn)清自己無(wú)時(shí)無(wú)刻不在接受生命的追問(wèn)?！保╬81）今天的人不敢承擔(dān)命運(yùn)，我們?nèi)狈σ环N勇氣，缺乏一種對(duì)生命終極承擔(dān)的存在的勇氣。尼采曾有過(guò)這樣一種觀點(diǎn)：你因熱愛(ài)自己的命運(yùn)。這不是宿命論，尼采所言是告訴我們要勇于承擔(dān)起命運(yùn)，不論命運(yùn)的軌跡是怎樣的，它皆有其意義。正如弗蘭克所言：“如果人生真有意義，痛苦自應(yīng)有其意義?！薄耙粋€(gè)人若能接受命運(yùn)及其所附加的一切痛苦，并且肩負(fù)起自己的十字架，則即使處在最惡劣的環(huán)境中，照樣有充分的機(jī)會(huì)去加深他生命的意義，使生命保有堅(jiān)忍、尊貴與無(wú)私的物質(zhì)?！保╬20）

幾年前當(dāng)我讀完弗蘭克此書(shū)后，我反身自思。自己的處境再壞也壞不到人家的'地步，既然弗蘭克因“最后的自由”可以解悟，我也同樣可以。至此后我消極的態(tài)度為之一變。至今回想起來(lái)感慨良多。弗蘭克多次引用尼采一句話參透“為何”，才能迎接“任何”（he who has a “why”to live for can bear almost any “how”）多年來(lái)我正是尊此語(yǔ)，尋求生活的意義，并承受著生活的波折。也

許正像英國(guó)作家斯邁而斯在其成名作《自助》（help-self）所言：艱難困苦與人世滄桑是最嚴(yán)厲而又最崇高的老師。歷經(jīng)痛苦與挫折是發(fā)現(xiàn)人生真諦的通道。然而現(xiàn)實(shí)是許多人未經(jīng)住命運(yùn)的考驗(yàn)，也未從中領(lǐng)悟苦難的意義，每一次命運(yùn)的打擊都像在闖一個(gè)關(guān)口，勝利的價(jià)值在于超越自我?！叭酥詾槿耸且?yàn)樗梢宰晕页?。”（p137）別說(shuō)上天沒(méi)給你超越的機(jī)會(huì)，怕得是你把它放走，怕得是我們力量弱小無(wú)力接受。

不要說(shuō)什么希望已經(jīng)破滅，不要說(shuō)人生毫無(wú)意義。當(dāng)我們還存在于世，當(dāng)我們還可言說(shuō)就是希望存留的標(biāo)志。無(wú)論我們處在何種境遇，我們都不應(yīng)遺忘尚有一種東西因我們而存在，那就是弗蘭克所示之“最后的自由”。

附注：本文p······所引文皆自三聯(lián)書(shū)店1998年版的弗蘭克著《活出意義來(lái)》

第13篇 自由的即興演講稿

自由即興演講篇

尊敬的老師，親愛(ài)的同學(xué)們：

大家好!

常常有人問(wèn)我自由的氣息是怎么樣的，我知道，但我不說(shuō)，因?yàn)槲颐靼祝@是要悟出來(lái)的。

自由的氣息是什么樣的，我曾覺(jué)得鳥(niǎo)是自由的，它能在無(wú)邊無(wú)際的天空上展翅飛翔，能看見(jiàn)飄飄的白云，能看見(jiàn)燦爛的彩虹，明媚的陽(yáng)光，饑餓的時(shí)候，吃吃果子，吃吃小魚(yú)小蝦，累的時(shí)候站在樹(shù)枝上靜靜地休息。生活多悠閑，我認(rèn)為那才是自由地氣息，但長(zhǎng)大我發(fā)現(xiàn)它們不僅要面對(duì)狂風(fēng)暴雨，也要在弱肉強(qiáng)食的世界里打拼磨煉，還要避開(kāi)危險(xiǎn)的果子和強(qiáng)悍的食物，它們其實(shí)很累，在它們身上，只能聞到拼搏的氣息。

自由的氣息是什么樣的，我曾認(rèn)為魚(yú)是自由的，它能在奇幻多彩的海里探索發(fā)現(xiàn)美，能在多彩的水草里偽裝自己，能在世界旅行

能看見(jiàn)你看不見(jiàn)的美景，也許它身邊還有一只又一只美麗的人魚(yú)陪伴著它，我認(rèn)為那才是自由的氣息。但長(zhǎng)大后我才發(fā)現(xiàn)它們不僅要面對(duì)可怕的鯊魚(yú)，也可能在不知不覺(jué)中迷失家的方向，或許在不留意時(shí)變成別人的美餐，它們其實(shí)很累，我在它們身上只能聞到迷茫的氣息。

自由的氣息是怎么樣，我曾覺(jué)得馬是自由的，它能在遼闊無(wú)垠的土地上奔跑，能看見(jiàn)雄偉的高山，清澈的湖水，奔騰的黃河我認(rèn)為那才是自由的氣息。但長(zhǎng)大后我才發(fā)現(xiàn)，它們不僅要面對(duì)兇殘的捕食者，還要躲避人類黑洞洞的槍口，還注重要與親人與朋友的分別，它們其實(shí)很累，我在它們身上聞到了奔跑的氣息。

我悟到了，自由的氣息，一種拼搏、迷茫、奔跑的氣息。

自由即興演講篇范文

尊敬的老師，親愛(ài)的同學(xué)們：

大家好!

秋天，落葉擺脫樹(shù)木的束縛，偶爾拂過(guò)一陣風(fēng)，它們都會(huì)自覺(jué)地晃動(dòng)自己的身子，如獲新生般在天空中劃出完美的弧線。隨著一個(gè)一個(gè)秋天的度過(guò)，歲月的輪回，我含淚揮手告別了幼稚，轉(zhuǎn)身迎面接受叛逆的到來(lái)。我渴望著能征服媽媽的懷抱，一個(gè)人去走自己的路。但那終究還不適合我。

又是一個(gè)秋天。媽媽以母親的身份命令我拿作業(yè)給她檢查，我回復(fù)媽媽的是一臉無(wú)奈。我時(shí)不時(shí)地抬抬頭望著分針和秒針一次次地相遇，時(shí)間帶走了我的耐心?！拔业膶W(xué)習(xí)我自己會(huì)負(fù)責(zé)，不需要你來(lái)干涉”我突然就這么地丟下了一句話，還重重地將門關(guān)上，走了出去。

可是，當(dāng)獨(dú)自一人走在月光下的時(shí)候我有點(diǎn)為自己過(guò)分的行為后悔了。月光下，是這樣的寧?kù)o，這樣的安詳，秋風(fēng)吹落了落葉，一個(gè)人是這么的無(wú)助，我不禁地落下了眼淚，眼淚摻夾著的秋風(fēng)，冰冷無(wú)情的劃過(guò)我稚嫩的臉龐。我這么一個(gè)看似平淡的話就早已傷害了媽媽那顆心。

沉重的心使得整個(gè)世界都灰蒙蒙的沒(méi)有一絲色彩。浮華的青春，你無(wú)窮地渴望落葉般自由，我跟隨著叛逆在沿途尋找自由的同時(shí)，不斷地意識(shí)到自己在一步步地傷害了父母，那么即便尋找到了自由也失去了快樂(lè)，不能完全地像落葉一樣，沒(méi)有遺憾沒(méi)有傷感。落葉的自由是它經(jīng)歷了四季的磨礪，帶著完整的人生邁向下一步。

我一直在等待著屬于自己真正的秋天的來(lái)臨。

自由精選即興演講篇

尊敬的老師，親愛(ài)的同學(xué)們：

大家好!

三月的藍(lán)天之上已是風(fēng)箏滿天，鈴聲一響便跑出教室，看低年級(jí)同學(xué)在操場(chǎng)放風(fēng)箏。

剛過(guò)了放風(fēng)箏的年齡的我們是多么羨慕飛翔在藍(lán)天里的風(fēng)箏啊，享受著人們的仰望，自由飛翔。像雄鷹那樣，搏擊長(zhǎng)空，是禁錮在校園里的我們的夢(mèng)想。

無(wú)奈上課鈴聲響了，我們只好匆匆走進(jìn)教室，唉聲嘆氣中還得坐下來(lái)，握住筆寫畫(huà)起來(lái)。

鉛筆行走在草稿紙上，任憑人的操控，不由得讓我遐想聯(lián)翩，凝視手中的鉛筆，它似乎從來(lái)不覺(jué)得自己有何長(zhǎng)處，它只是謙和地被人握于手中，行走在滿載希冀的白紙上。它默默走出的炫美，是執(zhí)筆人揮灑汗水、播種希望換來(lái)的一點(diǎn)慰籍。

他更沒(méi)有像風(fēng)箏一樣借住風(fēng)的力量，一心想掙開(kāi)風(fēng)箏人手中的線，去贏得更多的自由，它似乎從來(lái)未曾想到過(guò)自由。

為了更好地書(shū)寫，它受盡了刀鋒的削切，卻無(wú)怨無(wú)悔，只求更加完美。因?yàn)樗钪?，沒(méi)有牽制，便不會(huì)成功。

因此它不像風(fēng)箏一樣，追夢(mèng)之旅還未開(kāi)始，就已被拋棄，因?yàn)轱L(fēng)箏忘了，讓它觸摸夢(mèng)想的，是放箏人手中的線。

風(fēng)箏因想得到絕對(duì)自由，最后埋葬了自己;鉛筆因?qū)W會(huì)了約束自己，最終輝煌了生命。

想到這里，我豁然開(kāi)朗。

面對(duì)生活中的種種不如意，有人受不了，選擇放縱自己，狂廢年華，有人扛住了，選擇束縛自己，精彩人生。

鎖住你的欲望與貪念，你會(huì)比別人少很多攔路虎，系住你的空談與幻想，你會(huì)更加踏實(shí)腳下的基礎(chǔ)。

成功，不會(huì)落在任何一個(gè)不會(huì)自制、對(duì)自己沒(méi)有要求的人身上，夢(mèng)想不會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn)于任何一個(gè)沒(méi)有上理智之鎖的人心中。

帶著一顆上了理智之鎖的心，牽住那美好而危險(xiǎn)的欲望，你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)前方，是那么豁亮!

第14篇 ted英語(yǔ)演講：如何掌控你的自由時(shí)間

演講者：laura vanderkam 勞拉·凡德卡姆

中英對(duì)照翻譯

when people find out i write about time management, they assume two things. one is that i'm always on time, and i'm not. i have four small children, and i would like to blame them for my occasional tardiness, but sometimes it's just not their fault. i was once late to my own speech on time management.

當(dāng)人們發(fā)現(xiàn)我寫關(guān)于時(shí)間管理的文章時(shí)，他們都會(huì)假設(shè)兩件事：第一，我永遠(yuǎn)都準(zhǔn)時(shí)，但我并不是。我有四個(gè)小孩，我偶爾將遲到歸咎于他們，不過(guò)有時(shí)候真的不是因?yàn)樗麄?。我有一次在去我的一個(gè)關(guān)于時(shí)間管理的演講時(shí)遲到了。

we all had to just take a moment together and savor that irony.

我們都需要一點(diǎn)時(shí)間去好好地體味一下這有多么諷刺。

the second thing they assume is that i have lots of tips and tricks for saving bits of time here and there.sometimes i'll hear from magazines that are doing a story along these lines, generally on how to help their readers find an e_tra hour in the day. and the idea is that we'll shave bits of time off everyday activities, add it up, and we'll have time for the good stuff.

第二，人們總是假設(shè)我有很多關(guān)于如何節(jié)省時(shí)間的貼士和技巧。有時(shí)候我聽(tīng)說(shuō)一些雜志 在寫這方面的故事，通常都是關(guān)于教讀者如何在一天中獲得額外一個(gè)小時(shí)?；舅悸肪褪菑娜粘５拿總€(gè)活動(dòng)中擠出一點(diǎn)時(shí)間，加起來(lái)，然后我們就有時(shí)間去做更有意思的事情了。

i question the entire premise of this piece, but i'm always interested in hearing what they've come up with before they call me. some of my favorites:doing errands where you only have to make right-hand turns.

我對(duì)這個(gè)說(shuō)法持保留意見(jiàn)，不過(guò)我還是愿意聽(tīng)聽(tīng)他們?cè)谡椅抑坝惺裁聪敕āＮ易钕矚g的幾個(gè)是：只完成那些只需要右轉(zhuǎn)的事;

being e_tremely judicious in microwave usage: it says three to three-and-a-half minutes on the package, we're totally getting in on the bottom side of that. and my personal favorite, which makes sense on some level, is to dvr your favorite shows so you can fast-forward through the commercials.

在用微波爐時(shí)，要極度審慎：當(dāng)食物包裝上面寫了3到3.5分鐘時(shí)，我們要挑時(shí)間最短的那個(gè)。我個(gè)人最喜歡的是，錄下你最喜歡看的電視劇，然后你就可以跳過(guò)廣告了。其實(shí)在某個(gè)程度上，還是挺有道理的。

that way, you save eight minutes every half hour, so in the course of two hours of watching tv, you find 32 minutes to e_ercise.

這樣，你每半個(gè)小時(shí)就可以擠出八分鐘。那么你蔥用來(lái)看電視的兩個(gè)小時(shí)中，可以擠出32分鐘鍛煉的時(shí)間。

which is true. you know another way to find 32 minutes to e_ercise? don't watch two hours of tv a day, right?

倒的確是這么回事兒。你還知道其他可以找到32分鐘鍛煉時(shí)間的方法嗎?不要每天都看兩個(gè)小時(shí)電視就行了，對(duì)吧? (笑聲)

anyway, the idea is we'll save bits of time here and there, add it up, we will finally get to everything we want to do. but after studying how successful people spend their time and looking at their schedules hour by hour, i think this idea has it completely backward.

總之，就是要在各處都省點(diǎn)時(shí)間，加起來(lái)就有時(shí)間做我們想做的事了。但在我了解成功的人如何分配時(shí)間，并看過(guò)了他們的時(shí)間表后，我覺(jué)得這個(gè)想法是完全本末倒置的。

we don't build the lives we want by saving time. we build the lives we want, and then time saves itself.

我們不是通過(guò)節(jié)省時(shí)間來(lái)打造我們想過(guò)的生活。我們應(yīng)該先建立我們想要的生活，時(shí)間就會(huì)自然而然節(jié)省出來(lái)。

here's what i mean. i recently did a time diary project looking at 1,001 days in the lives of e_tremely busy women. they had demanding jobs, sometimes their own businesses, kids to care for, maybe parents to care for, community commitments -- busy, busy people.

我來(lái)解釋一下。我最近有個(gè)時(shí)間日記項(xiàng)目，觀察最忙碌的女士生命中的1001天。她們工作繁忙，有時(shí)候是自己的生意，有時(shí)候要照顧自己的孩子，或者是照顧父母，還有服務(wù)社區(qū)等等——都是一些很忙的人。

i had them keep track of their time for a week so i could add up how much they worked and slept, and i interviewed them about their strategies, for my book.

我讓她們記錄了一星期的行程，計(jì)算她們工作和睡覺(jué)的時(shí)間，為了我的書(shū)，我還采訪 了解了她們的常用策略。

one of the women whose time log i studied goes out on a wednesday night for something. she comes home to find that her water heater has broken, and there is now water all over her basement. if you've ever had anything like this happen to you, you know it is a hugely damaging, frightening, sopping mess.

其中一個(gè)被我研究過(guò)時(shí)間表的女士，在一個(gè)周三晚上出去了一趟，回家發(fā)現(xiàn)她的熱水器壞了，地下室都被水淹了。如果你也遇到過(guò)這種事兒的話，你會(huì)知道眼前的景象多么令人崩潰和沮喪。

so she's dealing with the immediate aftermath that night, ne_t day she's got plumbers coming in, day after that, professional cleaning crew dealing with the ruined carpet. all this is being recorded on her time log. winds up taking seven hours of her week. seven hours. that's like finding an e_tra hour in the day.

于是那個(gè)晚上她立刻著手處理，第二天她找了一個(gè)水管工，第三天找了專業(yè)的清理人員 來(lái)處理?yè)p壞的地毯。所有這些都算在了她的時(shí)間表內(nèi)?？偣不怂恢苤械钠邆€(gè)小時(shí)。七個(gè)小時(shí)。這就等于一周七天每天都要擠出一個(gè)小時(shí)。

but i'm sure if you had asked her at the start of the week, 'could you find seven hours to train for a triathlon?' 'could you find seven hours to mentor seven worthy people?' i'm sure she would've said what most of us would've said, which is, 'no -- can't you see how busy i am?' yet when she had to find seven hours because there is water all over her basement, she found seven hours.

但是假如你在這一周剛開(kāi)始時(shí)就問(wèn)她，“你能在這周抽出七個(gè)小時(shí)來(lái)參加鐵人三項(xiàng)嗎?”，“你能在這周抽出七個(gè)小時(shí)指導(dǎo)七個(gè)有潛力的人嗎?“ 我確定她會(huì)像大多數(shù)人一樣， 說(shuō)，”怎么可能，你看不出我有多忙嗎?“ 但是她最后不得不抽出七個(gè)小時(shí)，因?yàn)樗牡叵率叶急凰土耍?她擠出了這七個(gè)小時(shí)。

and what this shows us is that time is highly elastic. we cannot make more time, but time will stretch to accommodate what we choose to put into it.

這件事告訴我們：時(shí)間是有彈性的。我們不能創(chuàng)造更多時(shí)間，但是時(shí)間會(huì)自己調(diào)整去適應(yīng)我們選擇去做的事情。

and so the key to time management is treating our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater. to get at this, i like to use language from one of the busiest people i ever interviewed. by busy, i mean she was running a small business with 12 people on the payroll, she had si_ children in her spare time.

所以時(shí)間管理的關(guān)鍵，就是對(duì)待最重要的事情應(yīng)該像對(duì)待那個(gè)壞了的熱水器一樣。要做到這一點(diǎn)，我要借用我采訪過(guò)最忙的人的話。她經(jīng)營(yíng)著一個(gè)小企業(yè)，請(qǐng)了十二名員工，空余時(shí)間她還要照顧六個(gè)孩子。

i was getting in touch with her to set up an interview on how she 'had it all' -- that phrase. i remember it was a thursday morning, and she was not available to speak with me. of course, right?

我聯(lián)系上了她，想要采訪她關(guān)于她是怎么做到“無(wú)所不能”的。我記得那是一個(gè)星期四的早晨，她沒(méi)時(shí)間和我說(shuō)話。當(dāng)然了，她很忙。

but the reason she was unavailable to speak with me is that she was out for a hike, because it was a beautiful spring morning, and she wanted to go for a hike. so of course this makes me even more intrigued, and when i finally do catch up with her, she e_plains it like this. she says, 'listen laura, everything i do, every minute i spend, is my choice.'

但是她沒(méi)時(shí)間和我說(shuō)話的原因是，她去遠(yuǎn)足了。因?yàn)槟鞘谴杭疽粋€(gè)美麗的清晨，所以她去遠(yuǎn)足了。這樣的她讓我變得更感興趣了，當(dāng)我最終聯(lián)系上她時(shí)，她說(shuō)：“聽(tīng)我說(shuō)，勞拉，我做的所有的事情，我花的每分每秒，都是我的選擇。

and rather than say, 'i don't have time to do _, y or z,' she'd say, 'i don't do _, y or z because it's not a priority.' 'i don't have time,' often means 'it's not a priority.'

”所以與其說(shuō)， ”我沒(méi)有時(shí)間做這個(gè)，這個(gè)，或者那個(gè)?！?她會(huì)說(shuō)：”我不做這些事情因?yàn)檫@些不是我的首要任務(wù)。““我沒(méi)有時(shí)間”的意思通常是 ”那不是我的首要任務(wù)”。

if you think about it, that's really more accurate language. i could tell you i don't have time to dust my blinds, but that's not true. if you offered to pay me $100,000 to dust my blinds, i would get to it pretty quickly.

其實(shí)你想想， 那的確是更準(zhǔn)確的說(shuō)法。我可能會(huì)告訴你我沒(méi)有時(shí)間清理百葉窗，但那不是真的。假如你愿意付我10萬(wàn)美金讓我給百葉窗除塵，我會(huì)馬上就去做。 (笑聲)

since that is not going to happen, i can acknowledge this is not a matter of lacking time; it's that i don't want to do it. using this language reminds us that time is a choice. and granted, there may be horrible consequences for making different choices, i will give you that.

既然那不可能發(fā)生，我可以說(shuō)不是因?yàn)闀r(shí)間不夠，而是我不想做。這么說(shuō)提醒了我們， 時(shí)間是一種選擇。我會(huì)告訴你，當(dāng)然，不同的選擇有時(shí)候會(huì)帶來(lái)可怕的后果。

but we are smart people, and certainly over the long run, we have the power to fill our lives with the things that deserve to be there.

但是我們都是聰明人，從長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)來(lái)看，我們有能力去選擇一些值得做的事，來(lái)填補(bǔ)我們生命中的時(shí)間。那么我們應(yīng)該怎么做呢?

so how do we do that? how do we treat our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater?

我們要如何像對(duì)待那個(gè)壞了的熱水器一樣對(duì)待我們的首要任務(wù)?首先，我們需要找出哪些事最重要。

well, first we need to figure out what they are. i want to give you two strategies for thinking about this.the first, on the professional side: i'm sure many people coming up to the end of the year are giving or getting annual performance reviews. you look back over your successes over the year, your 'opportunities for growth.' and this serves its purpose, but i find it's more effective to do this looking forward.

我想給你們分享兩個(gè)技巧。第一個(gè)，從職業(yè)的角度來(lái)說(shuō)：我相信許多人在年底的時(shí)候，會(huì)發(fā)出或者收到年度績(jī)效審查。你回頭看看這一年的成功和 “成長(zhǎng)的機(jī)會(huì)”。這的確起到了它的作用，但是我發(fā)現(xiàn)往前看會(huì)更有效。

so i want you to pretend it's the end of ne_t year. you're giving yourself a performance review,and it has been an absolutely amazing year for you professionally. what three to five things did you do that made it so amazing? so you can write ne_t year's performance review now.

我想讓你們把這當(dāng)做下一年的年底。你在給自己做年度績(jī)效審查，在專業(yè)方面，這一年的表現(xiàn)非常出眾。是哪三到五件事使這一年變得如此出眾?你現(xiàn)在就可以寫明年的績(jī)效審查。

and you can do this for your personal life, too. i'm sure many of you, like me, come december, get cards that contain these folded up sheets of colored paper, on which is written what is known as the family holiday letter.

你也可以在個(gè)人生活方面這么做。我相信你們?cè)S多人，包括我，在十二月，都會(huì)收到這種夾著彩色紙的卡片。上面寫著“家庭假日信件”。

bit of a wretched genre of literature, really, going on about how amazing everyone in the household is,or even more scintillating, how busy everyone in the household is. but these letters serve a purpose,which is that they tell your friends and family what you did in your personal life that mattered to you over the year.

聽(tīng)起來(lái)像是一個(gè)挺悲慘的文學(xué)題材，談?wù)摷依锩總€(gè)人有多了不起，或者更精彩點(diǎn)，家里每個(gè)人有多忙。但是這些信有它們的用處，它們告訴你的朋友和家人你這一年里做了什么對(duì)個(gè)人生活有意義的事。

so this year's kind of done, but i want you to pretend it's the end of ne_t year, and it has been an absolutely amazing year for you and the people you care about. what three to five things did you do that made it so amazing? so you can write ne_t year's family holiday letter now. don't send it.

那么今年快要結(jié)束了，我想讓你假裝這是明年的年底，對(duì)你和你在乎的人來(lái)說(shuō)，這都是無(wú)與倫比的一年。哪三到五件事讓你這一年表現(xiàn)如此出色?其實(shí)你現(xiàn)在就可以寫明年的家庭假日信件了。先不要發(fā)出去。

please, don't send it. but you can write it. and now, between the performance review and the family holiday letter, we have a list of si_ to ten goals we can work on in the ne_t year.

真的，不要發(fā)出去。但是你可以寫?，F(xiàn)在，有了績(jī)效評(píng)估和寫給家人的信，我們就有了六到十個(gè)明年可以努力的目標(biāo)。我們需要先把他們分成可行的階段性任務(wù)。

and now we need to break these down into doable steps. so maybe you want to write a family history.first, you can read some other family histories, get a sense for the style. then maybe think about the questions you want to ask your relatives, set up appointments to interview them. or maybe you want to run a 5k. so you need to find a race and sign up, figure out a training plan, and dig those shoes out of the back of the closet.

或許你要寫一個(gè)家族傳記。首先嗎，你可以讀讀別人的家族歷史，了解一下大概的風(fēng)格 然后可以想象你要問(wèn)親戚的問(wèn)題，約定和他們見(jiàn)面談話的時(shí)間?；蛘吣阆胍獏⒓右粋€(gè)五千米的短程馬拉松。你需要先找一個(gè)競(jìng)賽報(bào)名，再做一個(gè)培訓(xùn)計(jì)劃，從衣柜底下翻出你的運(yùn)動(dòng)鞋。

and then -- this is key -- we treat our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater, by putting them into our schedules first. we do this by thinking through our weeks before we are in them.

然后——這是關(guān)鍵——我們將我們的首要事件視為那個(gè)壞掉的熱水器，將它們優(yōu)先放入我們的日程表里。我們要在事情發(fā)生的幾周前就先想好。

i find a really good time to do this is friday afternoons. friday afternoon is what an economist might calla 'low opportunity cost' time. most of us are not sitting there on friday afternoons saying, 'i am e_cited to make progress toward my personal and professional priorities right now.'

我發(fā)現(xiàn)周五的下午最適合處理這事兒。周五的下午是被經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家稱為“低機(jī)會(huì)成本”時(shí)間。我們大部分人不會(huì)在周五下午想著，“我要朝我的個(gè)人和職業(yè)生涯的首要事件邁進(jìn)了， 所以很興奮。“

but we are willing to think about what those should be. so take a little bit of time friday afternoon, make yourself a three-category priority list: career, relationships, self. making a three-category list reminds usthat there should be something in all three categories.

但是我們?cè)敢馊ハ肽切┦率鞘裁础Ｋ栽谥芪逑挛缁ㄒ稽c(diǎn)時(shí)間，為自己做一個(gè)分成三類的首要事件的列表：事業(yè)、人際關(guān)系、個(gè)人。這樣的三項(xiàng)分類列表提醒了我們每一個(gè)類別都應(yīng)該有一些事。

career, we think about; relationships, self -- not so much. but anyway, just a short list, two to three items in each. then look out over the whole of the ne_t week, and see where you can plan them in.

事業(yè)，我們經(jīng)?？紤];人際關(guān)系，個(gè)人——很少會(huì)想。無(wú)論如何，只要一個(gè)短短的列表，每個(gè)都包含兩到三件事。它們會(huì)幫助我們看清下周，如何在下周計(jì)劃這些事情。你可以決定如何計(jì)劃。

where you plan them in is up to you. i know this is going to be more complicated for some people than others. i mean, some people's lives are just harder than others. it is not going to be easy to find time to take that poetry class if you are caring for multiple children on your own. i get that. and i don't want to minimize anyone's struggle. but i do think that the numbers i am about to tell you are empowering.

這可能對(duì)一些人來(lái)說(shuō)會(huì)比較困難一點(diǎn)。我的意思是，有些人的人生就是比較復(fù)雜。如果你自己有好幾個(gè)要照顧的小孩，想要找時(shí)間去參加詩(shī)歌班一定不容易。我懂。我不想輕視任何人的困難。但是我覺(jué)得我接下來(lái)要說(shuō)的數(shù)字，是會(huì)改變你的想法的。

there are 168 hours in a week. twenty-four times seven is 168 hours. that is a lot of time. if you are working a full-time job, so 40 hours a week, sleeping eight hours a night, so 56 hours a week -- that leaves 72 hours for other things. that is a lot of time.

我們每周都有168個(gè)小時(shí)，24乘以7是168個(gè)小時(shí)。這是一段很長(zhǎng)時(shí)間。假如你有一個(gè)全職的工作，一周是40個(gè)小時(shí)，每晚睡八個(gè)小時(shí)，一周是56個(gè)小時(shí)，我們有剩下72個(gè)小時(shí)來(lái)做其他事情。這是一段很長(zhǎng)的時(shí)間。

you say you're working 50 hours a week, maybe a main job and a side hustle. well, that leaves 62 hours for other things. you say you're working 60 hours. well, that leaves 52 hours for other things. you say you're working more than 60 hours. well, are you sure?

假如你說(shuō)你每周工作50個(gè)小時(shí)，比如一份全職和一份兼職。這樣你還是有60小時(shí)去做其他的事情。假如你說(shuō)你每周工作60個(gè)小時(shí)，你還是有52個(gè)小時(shí)去做其他的事情。你說(shuō)你每周工作超過(guò)60個(gè)小時(shí)，你確定嗎?

there was once a study comparing people's estimated work weeks with time diaries. they found that people claiming 75-plus-hour work weeks were off by about 25 hours.

曾經(jīng)有一個(gè)研究對(duì)比了人們估計(jì)的工作時(shí)間，和實(shí)際的工作日記。他們發(fā)現(xiàn)那些表示工作超過(guò)75小時(shí)的人，有25小時(shí)的誤差。

you can guess in which direction, right? anyway, in 168 hours a week, i think we can find time for what matters to you.

你可以猜到這個(gè)誤差是多了還是少了吧?無(wú)論如何，在一周的168個(gè)小時(shí)里，我覺(jué)得我們總可以找到時(shí)間做我們想做的事。

if you want to spend more time with your kids, you want to study more for a test you're taking, you want to e_ercise for three hours and volunteer for two, you can. and that's even if you're working way more than full-time hours.

如果你想花時(shí)間陪陪你的孩子，或者準(zhǔn)備你即將到來(lái)的考試，你想鍛煉兩三個(gè)小時(shí)或者 做兩個(gè)小時(shí)志愿者，你都可以的。即便你的工作時(shí)間遠(yuǎn)超過(guò)法定時(shí)間。

so we have plenty of time, which is great, because guess what? we don't even need that much time to do amazing things. but when most of us have bits of time, what do we do? pull out the phone, right?start deleting emails. otherwise, we're puttering around the house or watching tv.

所以我們有很多時(shí)間，這很好。但是你知道嗎?我們根本不需要那么多時(shí)間去完成一個(gè)大目標(biāo)。但當(dāng)我們有一點(diǎn)空閑時(shí)間的時(shí)候，我們會(huì)做什么?拿出手機(jī)，是吧?開(kāi)始刪除郵件?；蛘咴诩依镩e逛，看電視。

but small moments can have great power. you can use your bits of time for bits of joy. maybe it's choosing to read something wonderful on the bus on the way to work.

但是每個(gè)不起眼的時(shí)刻都潛力無(wú)限。你可以用零星的時(shí)間，來(lái)獲得零星的快樂(lè)。比如說(shuō)在去上班的公車上讀一些精彩的東西。

i know when i had a job that required two bus rides and a subway ride every morning, i used to go to the library on weekends to get stuff to read. it made the whole e_perience almost, almost, enjoyable. breaks at work can be used for meditating or praying. if family dinner is out because of your crazy work schedule, maybe family breakfast could be a good substitute.

當(dāng)我以前的工作需要我每天早上乘兩趟公車和一趟地鐵的時(shí)候，我周末會(huì)去圖書(shū)館找東西來(lái)讀。這幾乎，幾乎讓我的生活更豐富了。工作間隙的休息時(shí)間可以用來(lái)冥想或者禱告。如果你因?yàn)楣ぷ髅Χ荒艹约彝ネ聿?，試一下家庭早餐?/p>

it's about looking at the whole of one's time and seeing where the good stuff can go. i truly believe this.there is time. even if we are busy, we have time for what matters. and when we focus on what matters, we can build the lives we want in the time we've got.

這就是看著一個(gè)人所有的時(shí)間，然后找到什么時(shí)候可以做想做的事。我真的相信，我們都有充分的時(shí)間。就算我們很忙，我們?nèi)匀挥袝r(shí)間去做重要的事。當(dāng)我們關(guān)注在重要的事上時(shí)，我們可以用所擁有的時(shí)間創(chuàng)造我們想要的生活。

thank you.

謝謝。

第15篇 個(gè)人自由與社會(huì)公德-演講稿

個(gè)人自由與社會(huì)公德-演講稿

各位老師、同學(xué)，大家好：

咦？我怎么覺(jué)得大家眼神不對(duì)勁呢？好像有些許憤慨、還有一絲不滿？哦，（手拍額頭）對(duì)不起，剛才主持人念到我時(shí)，我突然想起了一件事，所以讓我的思想自由馳騁了會(huì)，上臺(tái)晚了些。大家是為這個(gè)對(duì)我有意見(jiàn)吧？（憨笑）正好，我也想借這個(gè)，說(shuō)說(shuō)今天我要演講的主題“個(gè)人自由與社會(huì)公德”。剛才，我縱容了我的自由，讓“思想”飛了一會(huì)，卻無(wú)意中冒犯了大家寶貴的10秒，因?yàn)榘凑粘绦?，這個(gè)時(shí)間應(yīng)該是我上臺(tái)演講的時(shí)間，違背了我們的社會(huì)公德。在這里，我誠(chéng)摯的跟大家說(shuō)聲：對(duì)不起！

大家的眼睛是雪亮的，因?yàn)槲覐拇蠹业难劬χ懈惺艿搅恕安粷M”。但是，我沒(méi)有聽(tīng)到大家斥責(zé)我的聲音！如果我沒(méi)有從大家的眼神中感受到大家對(duì)我的譴責(zé)，而正好又沒(méi)有人譴責(zé)我，那是不是剛才的遲到就可以當(dāng)作沒(méi)有發(fā)生？因?yàn)槲覜](méi)有意識(shí)到，而又沒(méi)有人讓我意識(shí)到呀。（聳肩、攤手，做無(wú)辜狀）其實(shí)這就是如今人們漠視社會(huì)公德的原因。一方面，沒(méi)有形成一個(gè)有效的社會(huì)輿論。當(dāng)你意識(shí)到有違社會(huì)公德的形為發(fā)生時(shí)，應(yīng)該及時(shí)正確、大膽的說(shuō)出來(lái)。用有聲的語(yǔ)言說(shuō)出來(lái)或者寫出來(lái)，而不僅僅是自己內(nèi)心的一個(gè)感知而已。另一方面，當(dāng)今的社會(huì)，科技的發(fā)展、網(wǎng)絡(luò)的進(jìn)步，人們更強(qiáng)調(diào)自我，強(qiáng)調(diào)個(gè)性。在追求個(gè)性自由的同時(shí)，迷失了社會(huì)公德卻渾然不知。因?yàn)槲覀兲^(guò)自我，太過(guò)自由，殊不知，這一切的太過(guò)終將讓我們付出沉重的代價(jià)！

社會(huì)公德和個(gè)人自由就像風(fēng)箏和線，風(fēng)箏只有在線的`指引下才不會(huì)飄零天涯；個(gè)人自由只有在社會(huì)公德的指引下才能得到充分體現(xiàn)。飛回流轉(zhuǎn)五千年，從“采菊東籬下，悠然見(jiàn)南山”到“挾飛仙以遨游，抱明月而長(zhǎng)終”。個(gè)人自由總伴隨著超然外物，逍遙自得，流淌于歷史的松濤竹林之中。春花落了秋日清，冬雪融了夏蟲(chóng)鳴。社會(huì)公德和個(gè)人的自由相輔相承。順著社會(huì)公德的線，我們可以看到，個(gè)人自由的風(fēng)箏蹁躚起舞。

我崇尚自由，向往自由，追求自由，相信在座的同學(xué)，跟我一樣都有著對(duì)自由的執(zhí)著。曾經(jīng)熱血青年‘為中華崛起而讀書(shū)’，作為新時(shí)代的我們，在和平與發(fā)展的年代中，更應(yīng)該發(fā)奮圖強(qiáng)、好好學(xué)習(xí)，勇做時(shí)代的弄潮兒，將先輩的旗幟繼承下來(lái)發(fā)揚(yáng)光大!在我們努力學(xué)知識(shí)、學(xué)文化的同時(shí)，同樣不能忽略體能的鍛煉。身體是革命的本錢，強(qiáng)身健體同等重要！很喜歡一句話‘一滴水也能折射出太陽(yáng)的光輝’。縱使我們無(wú)法輝煌于歷史，縱使個(gè)人的力量再渺小，只要我們?yōu)槔硐牒妥杂啥?，依舊也能閃亮他人、折射光輝。一次彎腰，可以整齊一方土地；一次行禮，可以溫暖他人心房。小小的善舉，也可以讓世界多些溫暖與陽(yáng)光！只要人人獻(xiàn)出一點(diǎn)愛(ài)，這世界將變成美麗的人間！

在我們追求個(gè)人自由的時(shí)候，不應(yīng)盲從。在社會(huì)公德的指引下，我們可以獲得更多的自由。文明禮貌是社會(huì)公德，助人為樂(lè)是社會(huì)公德，愛(ài)護(hù)公物是社會(huì)公德，保護(hù)環(huán)境是社會(huì)公德，遵紀(jì)守法同樣是社會(huì)公德。社會(huì)公德是要融入我們的一言一行中的，是融入我們的日常生活中的。社會(huì)公德不是束縛個(gè)人自由的枷鎖，它更像一盞指路明燈，點(diǎn)亮我們前行的路。在‘社會(huì)公德’這盞燈光的指引下，在追求個(gè)人自由的路上，我們可以走得更從容、更淡定！

我的演講完了，謝謝大家！